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The document identifies three primary narratives in Russia: a dominant 'keep coal' discourse supported by political leadership, an emerging 'low-carbon trend' discourse focused on economic competitiveness, and a 'local environmental' discourse centered on pollution and health. It concludes that while external pressures like the EU's Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) and declining demand are increasing, there is currently no active 'coal phase-out' or 'just transition' discourse within Russian national politics.

In 2014, Morocco implemented a fossil fuel subsidy reform to reduce budget vulnerability and support its climate goals, including a target of 52% renewable capacity by 2030. The government ended gasoline and fuel oil subsidies and reduced diesel subsidies, lowering spending from 42 billion dirhams in 2011 to 10.7 billion dirhams in 2016. These savings were reinvested into renewable energy projects, which reached 2,696 MW of capacity (34% of total installed capacity) by 2019. To ensure a just transition, the government maintained butane subsidies to protect poor and rural communities from rising food and energy costs, although the lack of viable alternatives to butane remains a challenge.

The report assesses South Africa's natural gas value chain, identifying a current energy mix contribution of 2.6% with a target of 15.7% by 2030. It evaluates domestic reserves in basins such as the Orange and Outeniqua, regional supply options from SADC countries—particularly Mozambique—and global LNG markets. The document prioritizes gas-to-power projects as anchor demand to stimulate infrastructure growth, while also exploring industrial and transport applications like CNG for taxis and buses. It concludes with a PESTEL and SWOT analysis to inform a national roadmap for gas sector reforms.

The document examines South Africa's history of nuclear energy planning, from the 2008 Nuclear-1 plan to the current 2,500MW nuclear build programme. It identifies critical failures in governance, including the impact of state capture during the Zuma presidency and the resulting financial instability of Eskom. The brief highlights challenges such as aging infrastructure at the Koeberg Nuclear Power Plant and the SAFARI-1 research reactor, a decline in technical expertise, and budget constraints exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic. It recommends updating the 2008 Nuclear Energy Policy, improving parliamentary oversight of spending, and ensuring transparency and public consultation to make future nuclear expansion financially viable and safe.

ClientEarth argues that the EU is overinvesting in methane gas infrastructure and urges the Commission to implement a methane product standard by 2025 to integrate climate costs into gas prices. The document recommends that public financial support for methane gas or gas-derived hydrogen be precluded or strictly conditioned on carbon capture and storage (CCS) and lifecycle emission caps. It further calls for institutional reform to ensure independent energy system planning, the prioritisation of energy efficiency over new infrastructure, and the cessation of the term 'natural gas' to avoid greenwashing.

Ghana is pursuing a nuclear power programme to address chronic electricity shortages and support industrialisation, aiming for a plant by 2030. While the country has made significant progress in establishing a regulatory framework and converting its research reactor from highly enriched uranium to low enriched uranium, it still faces challenges in funding, stakeholder involvement, and the completion of a national strategy. The report also highlights Ghana's extensive use of nuclear technology in medicine, agriculture, and research.

The report analyzes the varying stages of nuclear energy development in Egypt, Ghana, and South Africa. Egypt is currently constructing a nuclear power plant with Russian assistance, though it faces criticism for a lack of transparency. Ghana is in the early infrastructure-building phase, following the IAEA Milestones Approach. South Africa possesses the continent's only operational plant, Koeberg, but struggles with ageing infrastructure and the financial legacy of previous failed expansion plans. The document emphasizes the importance of robust governance, international non-proliferation commitments, and civil society engagement to ensure the safe and sustainable use of nuclear energy in Africa.

The document examines how the COVID-19 pandemic has affected energy demand, security, and utility finances in emerging economies, arguing that the recovery phase presents an opportunity for a 'green recovery'. Using case studies from Indonesia, Kenya, Thailand, Mexico, and South Africa, it identifies common challenges such as household energy insecurity and financial stress for state-owned utilities. The authors urge governments to integrate green recovery into their NDC planning, commit to accelerated decarbonisation, and address systemic vulnerabilities to prevent social injustices during the energy transition.

The report details South Africa's transition from a secret nuclear weapons programme to a global advocate for nuclear disarmament and peaceful nuclear use. It analyzes the current nuclear governance framework, the state of aging facilities like the Koeberg Nuclear Power Plant, and the political and financial turmoil surrounding nuclear expansion plans, particularly during the Zuma presidency. The document highlights systemic challenges including state capture, dwindling expertise, and fragmented governance, while outlining the Ramaphosa administration's more cautious approach to adding 2,500MW of nuclear capacity.

The report examines the economic advantages of aggressive decarbonization in China, highlighting that solar and wind power have become more cost-competitive than coal. It argues that a faster transition to clean energy will enhance China's global export position in solar PV and electric vehicles, reduce stranded asset risks associated with coal, and provide significant co-benefits in air quality and energy security. The authors advocate for peaking emissions by 2025 and implementing a combination of carbon pricing, performance standards, and green finance to ensure a high-quality economic transition.

The UK is implementing a tiered 'Cluster Sequencing Process' to deploy industrial CCUS and low-carbon hydrogen, aiming for 10 GW of hydrogen production and 6-9 Mt CO2 per annum of industrial capture by 2030-2035. While the government has developed five distinct business models to provide capital and revenue support, industry stakeholders report that delivery is 6 to 12 months behind schedule. The UK possesses a significant competitive advantage in storage capacity, with an estimated 78 Gt of CO2 storage potential, the largest in Europe.

The South African small scale embedded generation (SSEG) market, dominated by rooftop solar PV, has grown to over 100,000 systems (over 1GW) as of 2020. However, market growth is hindered by an indistinct regulatory landscape and stakeholder uncertainty regarding licensing and registration. The document outlines a tiered regulatory framework based on capacity: systems under 100kW generally do not require NERSA registration (provided local utility conditions are met), those between 100kW and 1MW require NERSA registration, those between 1MW and 10MW require licensing, and those over 10MW require both licensing and ministerial determination. It emphasizes that all grid-connected generation must be registered with the relevant transmission or distribution grid operator, and for systems between 100kW and 1MW, a connection application to the distributor must precede the NERSA registration application.

The document outlines the regulatory requirements for embedded generation in South Africa, specifically focusing on the transition to a 100 MW license-exempt threshold. It details the two-phase process involving connection approval from a licensed distributor (municipality or Eskom) followed by registration with the National Energy Regulator of South Africa (NERSA).

The document provides a guide for businesses in South Africa to evaluate waste-to-energy (WtE) options, categorising technologies into anaerobic digestion, thermal processes, and biofuels. It outlines the regulatory landscape, including the National Environmental Management: Waste Act and NERSA regulations, and highlights upcoming policy shifts such as organic waste landfill bans in the Western Cape. The brief emphasizes a structured project development process—from scoping and pre-feasibility to execution—to ensure financial and technical viability.

China's engagement in Iraq and Syria is primarily driven by economic logic and the Belt and Road Initiative, though it increasingly faces security risks from terrorism and political instability. In Iraq, China has become a top trading partner with a heavy focus on oil, while in Syria, it provides political cover for the Assad regime and explores limited reconstruction opportunities. The document argues that China lacks a unified regional strategy, instead employing a cautious, pragmatic, and piecemeal approach that balances economic opportunism with a traditional policy of non-interference, though the need to protect assets may eventually push Beijing toward more active counter-terrorism efforts.

The document argues that Colombia has the technical and economic capacity to phase out coal-fired power generation by leveraging its high hydroelectric capacity and expanding non-conventional renewable energy sources. It notes that most existing coal plants are obsolete, with an average age of 34 years, and that new coal projects are largely stalled due to financial and social opposition. The brief highlights a complementarity between hydroelectricity and renewables (solar and wind) that can ensure energy security during droughts, reducing the need for fossil fuel backups. It also warns that relying on natural gas as a transition fuel is risky due to limited national reserves, estimated to last only about eight years. The report recommends that the Colombian government lead the transition by abandoning coal generation and promoting a diversified, carbon-neutral electricity sector by 2050.

Governor Greg Abbott opposes the licensing of an Interim Storage Partners (ISP) facility in Andrews County, Texas, citing risks to public safety, national energy security, and the economic stability of the Permian Basin. He argues that the facility would be a high-value target for terrorism and that the lack of a permanent geologic repository makes the 'interim' nature of the storage unreliable. Additionally, he notes that the transportation of radioactive waste would disrupt the region's critical oil and agricultural logistics.

The report argues that a coal-free Czechia by 2030 is feasible through a least-cost pathway focused on rapid expansion of wind and solar power, supplemented by flexible gas generation and large-scale heat pumps. It estimates that this transition would reduce power sector emissions by 85% and create approximately 45,000 direct jobs, while requiring €11bn in power sector capital investment.

The document examines the critical interdependencies between water, energy, and food security, illustrating how failures in one sector trigger crises in others. Using case studies from India, Zimbabwe, Cambodia, and Pakistan, it demonstrates how climate-driven droughts and poor governance exacerbate resource scarcity and political instability. The author advocates for a systemic shift in international aid, moving away from siloed management toward a nexus approach based on three pillars: enhanced knowledge through data, strengthened institutional governance, and cross-sectoral regional cooperation.

The document examines the governance of Lephalale, a mining town in Limpopo, South Africa, arguing that the municipality's lack of land ownership and institutional capacity has allowed private mining interests, specifically Exxaro and Eskom, to maintain control over urban development. It highlights how the Medupi power station project exposed these weaknesses, leading to the creation of the Lephalale Development Forum (LDF), which the author describes as a parallel administration that prioritizes corporate interests over democratic spatial integration.