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The report argues that new natural gas developments in Appalachia are high-risk investments due to low domestic prices and the global transition toward low-carbon energy. Analysis of 216 prospective gas fields indicates that average 2020 prices for gas and oil do not support widespread expansion. The authors highlight that deep decarbonization consistent with the Paris Agreement would likely keep gas prices below the $3/Mbtu threshold required for average profitability, potentially rendering new fields and associated petrochemical infrastructure, such as ethane crackers, unprofitable.

The document identifies systemic barriers to nature-positive infrastructure, including a lack of decision-relevant biodiversity data, limited technical capacity among engineers, and financial models that prioritize short-term returns over long-term ecosystem benefits. It argues for a paradigm shift toward nature-based solutions (NbS) and ecological connectivity, recommending the adoption of standardized metrics like the European Taxonomy and the Task Force for Nature-Related Disclosure (TNFD). The report emphasizes that 'upstream' policy and spatial planning are the most effective levers for change, urging governments to redirect COVID-19 recovery stimulus packages away from fossil-fuel reliant sectors toward sustainable, decarbonized infrastructure.

Reclaim Finance argues that Engie's plan to exit coal is a 'non-annonce' because it prioritizes selling assets or converting them to gas and biomass instead of ensuring full closures. The organization warns that converting to gas or biomass fails to align with climate science and risks creating stranded assets. Furthermore, the document claims that selling plants does not reduce global CO2e emissions and that Engie's current 2°C target is insufficient to reach carbon neutrality by 2050.

The document examines how the COVID-19 pandemic has affected energy demand, security, and utility finances in emerging economies, arguing that the recovery phase presents an opportunity for a 'green recovery'. Using case studies from Indonesia, Kenya, Thailand, Mexico, and South Africa, it identifies common challenges such as household energy insecurity and financial stress for state-owned utilities. The authors urge governments to integrate green recovery into their NDC planning, commit to accelerated decarbonisation, and address systemic vulnerabilities to prevent social injustices during the energy transition.

The text compares 'Say on Climate' initiatives—where companies submit their own strategies for shareholder votes—with shareholder-led climate resolutions. It argues that for companies like Total SE, 'Say on Climate' can act as a 'distraction' or 'diversion' that allows management to legitimize 'watered down' or 'incrementalist' strategies. The author contends that only shareholder-led resolutions allow investors to 'define the terms of debate' and push for strategies compatible with viable climate trajectories, citing the 2020 resolution at Total SE as a positive example.

The document argues that the 21st century is defined by a conflict between capital and the biosphere, exacerbated by the Anthropocene and mass species extinction. It proposes a post-pandemic recovery for Europe based on three pillars: protecting biodiversity to ensure human health, valuing the local through the care economy and localized supply chains, and accelerating an energy transition to reduce dependence and redistribute wealth. The author emphasizes that sustainability requires a change in the social model and a shift from a culture of vehicle ownership to shared services, while warning against 'greenwashed' solutions and austerity.

The report analyzes how demand flexibility in buildings can reduce carbon emissions based on different grid decarbonization stages in New York City, finding that potential savings increase as the grid incorporates more variable renewable energy.

The study investigates deeper decarbonization in the Northeastern U.S., finding that Rhode Island could potentially reduce emissions by 80% by 2030 using existing technologies. While significant reductions of 70% to 80% are possible by 2030, 2040, or 2050, complete decarbonization is hindered by methane leakage from landfills and natural gas transmission, industrial emissions, and air travel.

The report examines China's green finance landscape, identifying a significant gap between current investment levels and the estimated USD 1.4 trillion annual investment needed over the next decade to meet 2015 climate and environmental targets. While green credit and bonds saw success during the 13th Five-Year Plan, finance remains heavily dominated by the public sector, with at least 51% of total green finance coming from public sources, primarily Central State Owned Enterprises and state-owned banks. The document highlights barriers for private capital, such as high 'search costs' and limited access to financing channels, and notes that half of the USD 292 billion in energy-related investments to Belt and Road Initiative countries between 2013 and 2019 went to fossil fuels. It recommends increasing the ambition of green standards, improving project pipeline visibility for private actors, and introducing mandatory exclusion lists for high-emission sectors.

The analysis finds that most COVID-19 stimulus packages in the five studied Asian countries lack sufficient climate considerations, with 'dirty' stimulus often outweighing green measures. South Korea is the best performer due to its Green New Deal, while the Philippines and Singapore showed no quantified commitment to green outcomes. The report recommends increasing the size of green stimulus, implementing green conditionalities for bailouts, and expanding support for green R&D and tax reductions.

The document analyzes climate change as a 'threat multiplier' in South Asia, where it exacerbates socio-economic tensions, fuels violent extremism, and intensifies nuclear-armed rivalries over shared water resources. It highlights the vulnerability of the region to heatwaves, sea level rise, and flooding, which drive mass migration and compromise military readiness. The report specifically examines the hydro-rivalry between China and India over the Brahmaputra and between India and Pakistan over the Indus River Basin. To address these challenges, it recommends integrating climate projections into military planning, establishing comprehensive transboundary water treaties, and accelerating the transition from coal and natural gas to renewable energy through international financing.

The document provides an update on The Geological Society's financial ties to fossil fuel and arms corporations. While it acknowledges a new responsible investment policy from September 2020 that excludes certain arms and high-emissions fossil fuels, it highlights a significant decrease in investment transparency between 2015 and 2019. The report details extensive corporate sponsorship from oil and gas companies and argues that these ties, along with investments in companies like Shell and Total, are incompatible with the Paris Agreement's temperature goals.

The Union of Concerned Scientists finds that California's current electricity sector planning is insufficient to replace the zero-emissions energy from the Diablo Canyon nuclear power plant, which is scheduled for retirement in 2024 and 2025. Without further action, the state faces a cumulative increase of 15.5 million metric tons of global warming emissions over the next decade, as existing natural gas plants fill the gap. The report recommends adopting a more ambitious 30 MMT emissions target by 2030 to guarantee full replacement and accelerate decarbonization.

The document critiques the EU Commission's decision to seek advice on increasing the flexibility of the EU taxonomy, arguing that such moves are concessions to polluting industries. It asserts that the taxonomy's purpose is to identify activities contributing to the ecological transition and improve disclosure, rather than to protect 'hard to abate' sectors. The author suggests that instead of weakening the framework, the Commission should develop a complementary "significantly harmful" taxonomy to help financial supervisors scale down support for climate-destructive activities.

The author criticizes the European Commission for seeking advice on making the EU taxonomy more inclusive of 'non-green' sectors, arguing that this is a concession to polluter lobbyists. The text asserts that the taxonomy's purpose is to identify activities contributing to the ecological transition and improve transparency, rather than simply rewarding marginal carbon improvements. It concludes that instead of weakening the current framework, the EU should develop a 'significantly harmful' taxonomy to actively divert funds away from environmentally damaging activities.

The Clean Air Task Force proposes that the Biden-Harris Administration should increase domestic carbon reduction commitments to reach net-zero by mid-century, fully utilize Department of Energy funding for advanced technologies, implement a 24-7 clean electricity procurement strategy for federal facilities, and establish rigorous EPA regulations for power plants and methane emissions.

The report analyzes emission projections for Georgia's transport sector up to 2030, comparing a business-as-usual scenario with a Climate Strategy and Action Plan (CSAP) scenario and Paris Agreement-compatible pathways. It highlights the significant role of freight and passenger transport in national emissions and recommends the establishment of a permanent coordinated planning process, improved data collection, and the pursuit of international climate finance for high-potential mitigation measures.

The document advocates for a strategic US industrial policy to transition the energy economy from fossil fuels to low-carbon solutions. It suggests leveraging a green stimulus package and public-private partnerships, citing historical successes like Sematech and ARPA-E, to compete with China, Europe, and Japan in sectors such as solar, batteries, and offshore wind.

The briefing argues that while climate change is unlikely to be the primary ideological driver for terrorist groups, it acts as a risk multiplier. It identifies three channels of impact: the creation of recruitment opportunities due to food and livelihood insecurity; the erosion of state legitimacy when governments fail to respond effectively to climate-induced disasters; and the security instabilities caused by the global energy transition, which may strand assets in hydrocarbon-exporting states and increase the value of critical minerals in fragile regions.

The author contends that the economic crisis caused by COVID-19 presents a unique opportunity for Spain to replace its unsustainable productive model with one based on environmental sustainability and social justice. By utilizing the EU's Next Generation funds and the European Green Deal, Spain can pursue a 'just transition' that mitigates the adverse effects of closing polluting industries, such as coal mines, while creating new employment in renewable energy and energy efficiency. The document highlights Spain's progress through the National Integrated Energy and Climate Plan (PNIEC) 2021-2030 and the establishment of 'Just Transition Agreements' in regions like Asturias and León, asserting that decarbonization can lead to a net gain in employment.