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North Carolina can reduce its power sector CO2 emissions by 29 percent below 2011 levels by 2020 using existing policies and infrastructure. Key strategies include meeting Renewable Energy and Energy Efficiency Portfolio Standard (REPS) targets with in-state generation, increasing the utilization of combined cycle natural gas units, improving coal plant efficiency, and expanding combined heat and power (CHP) systems. Long-term reductions of 69 percent below 2011 levels by 2030 are possible through expanded legislation, including annual energy efficiency savings of 2 percent from 2015 to 2030.

The study analyzes the impact of partial CCS deployment in Europe by 2030, categorizing countries as pioneers or laggards based on their R&D projects and national roadmaps. Using a dispatch model, the authors find that the economic outcomes of pioneering are heterogeneous: while electricity suppliers in Poland, the UK, and the Netherlands may see increased producer surpluses, consumers in the UK could face higher wholesale prices due to the high cost of gas-fired CCS. Conversely, Romania is projected to experience lower wholesale prices and increased domestic production. The results suggest that being a pioneer does not automatically guarantee an advantage, as benefits are unevenly distributed between producers and consumers.

The document outlines findings from a project coordinated by the Chinese Ministry of Commerce and IISD, focusing on the adoption of carbon management standards in Chinese economic zones. Initial analysis indicates that the uptake of these standards is extremely low and primarily driven by international headquarters or global supply chain clients rather than domestic drivers. The report concludes that a lack of incentives, rather than technical specifications, is the primary barrier to adoption, and suggests enhancing zone capacity and exploring options like public procurement to encourage low-carbon enterprise.

The report analyzes the shift in California's residential solar market from purchasing to leasing, where leased systems grew from less than 10% of new installations in 2007 to over 75% in 2012. It finds that leasing reduces consumer barriers by eliminating up-front costs and simplifying complex processes, and that declining state incentives (CSI) helped lower prices and reduce the cost of federal tax incentives to taxpayers.

Friends of the Earth president Erich Pica alleges that the US State Department has displayed gross negligence and a pro-pipeline bias in the Keystone XL review process. The organization claims the State Department hired Environmental Resources Management (ERM), a firm with deep ties to the oil industry, to conduct a review that subsequently glossed over climate impacts. Pica calls for Secretary of State Kerry to investigate the awarding of the contract to ERM and to ensure that scientific concerns regarding tar sands development are incorporated into the environmental impact statement.

China is implementing seven regional pilot emissions trading systems (ETS) in Beijing, Chongqing, Shanghai, Tianjin, Guangdong, Hubei, and Shenzhen to test the framework for a national ETS after 2016. These pilots could regulate between 0.8 and 1 billion tonnes of CO2 and may incorporate price control mechanisms to ensure market stability. Additionally, the pilots are expected to allow the use of Chinese Certified Emissions Reductions (CCERs), a government-administered offset program based on the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM), with potential demand reaching 100 million offsets per year by 2015.

The report identifies that consensus in the UNFCCC is a complex 'human process' driven by the interaction of political context, negotiation dynamics, and group process. It emphasizes the critical role of 'hybrid' negotiators and chairs who possess both technical expertise and diplomatic skills. Key recommendations for improving the process include reducing the number of negotiating tracks to allow for deeper domestic consultation and leveraging informal dialogues to build trust. While the consensus-based model is slow, interviewees generally viewed it as essential for the legitimacy of agreements, particularly for vulnerable countries.

The policy brief analyzes four regulatory scenarios for Canada's oil and gas sector, pairing emission-intensity improvements (20% to 40%) with price ceilings ($20 to $60). It argues that a 40% intensity standard with a two-tiered price ceiling ($30 and $60) provides an optimal balance by delivering 42 megatonnes of compliance in 2020 at an average cost of $28 per tonne. The author notes that while higher intensity targets increase costs, the average cost per barrel remains low (under $1), suggesting that such regulations would not significantly deter industry investment, as project hurdle rates already account for a $40 marginal cost.

The author critiques the European Union's lack of preparation for the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) negotiations, warning that the United States is likely to use GMO products as a 'make-it-or-break-it' condition. The text argues that the EU must protect its environmental, climate, and consumer standards, and suggests that the positive agenda for TTIP should focus on energy and resource efficiency to support a low-carbon economy. It further cautions against using TTIP as a strategic tool to contain China, suggesting instead a multilateral approach to global trade to avoid dividing the world into competing blocs.

The document examines how six annual conferences on community-based adaptation (CBA) have fostered a 'community of practice' characterized by 'high creativity collaboration'. It details the growth of the network in terms of participant diversity and thematic expansion, while arguing that future evaluations must move beyond simple inputs and outputs toward a 'realist' approach to understand how, why, and when such communities improve climate adaptation practices.

The report finds that most Americans rarely discuss global warming, preferring face-to-face or phone communication over social media, especially after extreme weather events. It highlights that family and friends are the most influential in convincing individuals to take action. The 'Alarmed' segment is the most active in public and political communication, while the 'Dismissive' and 'Disengaged' are the least.

The report finds that while a majority of Americans prioritize clean energy and global warming action, support for specific policies has declined since 2008. There is strong support for renewable energy research and tax rebates for energy-efficient products, but limited support for revenue-neutral carbon taxes. Significant partisan divides exist, particularly regarding the Keystone XL pipeline and the priority level of global warming.

The report finds that most Americans rarely discuss global warming, with only 33% doing so occasionally or often with family and friends. Communication is predominantly private and face-to-face, particularly following extreme weather events, while public engagement via social media or government contact remains low. The 'Alarmed' segment of the population is the most active in public and political communication, whereas all segments identify close personal relationships as the most influential factor in convincing them to take action.

The document argues that current development paths for carbon capture and storage (CCS) are insufficient to meet commercial availability goals by the end of the decade or contribute significantly to CO2 emission reductions. It identifies four specific areas requiring a tenfold increase to achieve viability: the size of plants, the number of large-scale demonstration plants under construction, annual funding over the next 40 years, and the price of carbon dioxide emissions. The author concludes that CCS development depends on policy-makers simultaneously favoring coal-based power and implementing stringent climate policy.

The World Resources Institute (WRI) responds to President Obama's State of the Union address by identifying key policy levers to meet U.S. emissions targets. WRI argues that while executive action is necessary, market-based legislation to price carbon would maximize economic benefits. To reach the 2020 target, WRI recommends enacting standards for existing power plants, reducing hydrofluorocarbons, addressing methane leaks from natural gas systems, and improving energy efficiency.

The authors argue that conventional cost-benefit analysis (CBA) fails to account for the value of flexibility and the irreversibility of climatic events. By applying real option analysis to the DICER model, they incorporate the 'cost of lost flexibility' as a penalty function. Their results indicate that accounting for risk leads to a more aggressive mitigation pathway, reducing the optimal end-of-century temperature increase from approximately 2.5°C in deterministic scenarios to about 2.25°C.

The report evaluates 14 U.S. trade and business associations across three metrics: acceptance of climate science, support for climate action, and endorsement of specific policy proposals. The findings categorize these groups into three tiers: those that misrepresent science and offer limited policy support, those that accept science but offer limited support, and those that accept science and provide significant policy support. The authors argue that some associations use scientific misinformation and vague qualifiers to block meaningful climate policy, and they urge member companies to pressure their associations to adopt science-based positions.

The author supports a referendum on EU membership to enhance democracy and resolve economic uncertainty, arguing that the debate should focus on reforming the EU into a body that prioritizes sustainability, human rights, and banking reform over free trade and corporate profit.

The report finds broad public support across political affiliations for addressing global warming, with a majority of registered voters considering a candidate's position on the issue when voting. There is widespread support for renewable energy research and the regulation of carbon dioxide, while the political viability of a carbon tax depends on how the revenue is utilized.

The author proposes a two-track approach for President Obama's second term: immediate regulatory action via the EPA to reduce carbon dioxide from power plants and methane from the oil and gas industry, and a long-term strategy to revamp energy technology innovation. To achieve a target of 80 percent carbon dioxide reduction by 2050, the document suggests developing a portfolio of zero-carbon technologies, including carbon capture and storage, advanced nuclear energy, and synthetic hydrocarbon fuels, supported by more effective innovation policies and increased R&D funding.