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The document argues that China's climate mitigation efforts are primarily a "positive side effect" of ambitious energy security policies designed to address peaking domestic oil and coal supplies. While China has set aggressive domestic targets for energy intensity and renewable energy expansion, its international diplomacy is characterized by a struggle to balance its reputation as a responsible global power with the need to maintain economic development latitude. The brief highlights a gap between China's international pledges under the Copenhagen Accord and its more ambitious domestic goals, noting that China views climate change as a geopolitical issue and coordinates with the BASIC group to protect the development opportunities of emerging economies.

Brazil possesses a relatively low-carbon energy matrix, but its overall greenhouse gas emissions are dominated by agriculture and deforestation. While deforestation rates have declined, rapid economic growth, increasing energy demand, and the discovery of pre-salt offshore oil fields threaten to increase energy-related emissions. Domestically, climate policy is shifting from a foreign relations issue to a central political topic, with sub-national initiatives—particularly in São Paulo—pushing for more ambitious absolute targets. Internationally, Brazil positions itself as a broker between BASIC countries and Annex I nations, emphasizing its leadership in biofuels and REDD while maintaining a commitment to the sovereign right to development.

A global coalition of civil society organizations, including Friends of the Earth International, issued a statement on December 7, 2009, condemning the Danish government's conduct as President of the UNFCCC Conference of Parties. The groups argue that the Danish Prime Minister undermined democratic UN processes by convening exclusive groups of countries and drafting "Copenhagen Accords" before the meeting began, effectively excluding most nations and ignoring the demands of developing countries. The statement asserts that these actions shift the burden of climate change from developed to developing nations and threaten the potential for a fair and effective agreement in Copenhagen.

Friends of the Earth criticizes the Obama administration for stifling global cooperation by encouraging wealthy nations to adopt voluntary rather than mandatory emission commitments ahead of the Copenhagen climate negotiations.

Friends of the Earth criticizes the United States for obstructing international climate negotiations in Bangkok by suggesting that pollution reduction targets be made voluntary and the Kyoto Protocol be dismantled. The statement argues that wealthy countries, as the largest historical polluters, must lead emission reductions and support developing nations to prevent catastrophic climate destabilization.

Friends of the Earth supports a Greenpeace action at Mount Rushmore to highlight the lack of U.S. leadership on the global climate crisis. The organization argues that President Obama's administration has not matched its rhetoric with action, citing weak emissions targets and a failure to provide climate finance to developing nations during international negotiations.

Friends of the Earth President Brent Blackwelder describes President Bush's global warming strategy as a "complete charade" designed to avoid curbing emissions. The organization argues that the United States, which produces 25 percent of global greenhouse gases, is failing its moral responsibility to lead the fight against global warming by attempting to derail U.N. talks and G8 discussions.

The document analyzes South Africa's strategic shift from its role as a dominant power in southern Africa during and after the apartheid era to a leader of the 'Global South'. It examines how South Africa uses its influence in the UN and within non-aligned blocs to challenge Western diplomatic dominance and advocate for a more equitable global order. The author highlights specific diplomatic actions regarding Iran and Myanmar as evidence of this strategy to shift power away from the UN Security Council toward the General Assembly and other non-Western constellations.

The author contends that the Bush administration used a "half-truth" to deflect from its own lack of climate policy by claiming Europeans were hypocrites for not yet ratifying the Kyoto Protocol. The text clarifies that signatories, including European nations, agreed to negotiate key provisions for market-based flexibility and compliance before beginning the ratification process. While the November summit in The Hague failed to conclude these rules, European nations remain committed to ratification once the implementing framework is finalized.

The document serves as an emergency manual for negotiators from the Global South, particularly those who are scientists or environmentalists transitioning into diplomatic roles. It details the operational structure of the climate regime, the importance of coalitions like the G-77 and China, and the specific challenges faced by developing nations, such as 'contentless mandates' and weak bargaining power. The guide offers practical strategies for drafting texts, managing informal negotiation processes, and optimizing the performance of small or single-person delegations.

The document serves as a 'survival guide' for diplomats from the Global South, addressing the systemic disadvantages they face in climate negotiations. It covers the scientific and political context of climate change, the legal structures of the UNFCCC and Kyoto Protocol, and the operational mechanics of UN conferences. A significant portion of the text is dedicated to the 'art of negotiating,' analyzing why developing nations often suffer from 'hollow mandates' and a lack of bargaining power. It offers strategic advice on forming coalitions, such as the G-77, and provides technical tips on drafting texts, using procedural motions, and managing the pressures of international diplomacy.

The document serves as a 'Survival Guide' for developing country climate negotiators, combining an overview of the international climate regime with strategic advice on negotiating skills. It details the structure of the UNFCCC and Kyoto Protocol, the role of formal and informal bodies, and the dynamics of negotiating blocs like the G-77. A significant portion of the text is dedicated to the challenges faced by 'handicapped' negotiators—those with limited domestic mandates or resources—and offers specific coping strategies for drafting, speaking, and coalition-building to increase their influence in a process often dominated by developed nations.

The document argues that designing an effective compliance system is a top priority for Kyoto Protocol negotiations to ensure the downward trend of greenhouse gas emissions. It suggests that compliance institutions should be designed to identify implementation issues, allow for Party clarification, transparently assess questions, and automatically apply consequences to achieve the Protocol's emission reduction targets.

The President of the Republic of the Marshall Islands, Hilda C. Heine, describes the United States' decision to withdraw from the Paris Agreement as "disappointing" and "highly concerning" for those on the "frontline of climate change." Despite the "grave impacts" of this decision, the President asserts that the Marshall Islands and the "wider Pacific family" remain firmly committed to the agreement and will continue to implement it swiftly.

The document consists of personal reflections from CDKN staff and partners on the impact of Professor Saleemul Huq (1952-2023). It highlights his role as a champion of climate justice, his commitment to mentoring young climate professionals, and his advocacy for southern leadership and locally-led adaptation. Contributors emphasize his generosity, his ability to center the voices of the 'majority world' in global climate negotiations, and his instrumental role in creating learning events such as the Community-based Adaptation (CBA) conference and Gobeshona.

The Climate and Development Knowledge Network (CDKN) provides research, technical assistance, and knowledge dissemination to help developing countries integrate low-carbon and resilient growth into their national policies. Funded by the UK's DFID and the Netherlands' DGIS, CDKN focuses on four strategic themes: climate-compatible development plans, improving access to climate finance, disaster risk management, and supporting negotiators from the least developed and most vulnerable countries. The organization operates in over 40 countries across Africa, Asia, Latin America, and the Caribbean, aiming to improve the quality of life for those most affected by climate change through a demand-driven approach.

Global Witness calls for the removal of fossil fuel industry influence from the COP process, citing conflicts of interest and the industry's role in the climate crisis. The organization highlights instances of fossil fuel lobbyists and petrostate officials leveraging their positions at COP29 and previous summits to broker oil and gas deals, arguing that such influence undermines the diplomatic efforts required to transition away from fossil fuels.

The document serves as a practical handbook for climate negotiators, particularly those from the Global South who may lack institutional support. It covers the scientific basis of climate change, the evolution of the international regime from the 1992 UNFCCC to the Paris Agreement, and the procedural rules of the COP. A significant portion of the guide is dedicated to negotiation theory, offering strategies for 'disadvantaged' negotiators to overcome resource gaps and power imbalances through coalition building, integrative negotiation techniques, and precise drafting skills.

The document serves as a survival manual for climate negotiators, particularly those from the Global South. It details the scientific basis of climate change, the evolution of the international regime from the 1992 UNFCCC to the Paris Agreement, and the operational mechanics of the COP. It provides practical advice on navigating formal and informal negotiation spaces, managing the challenges of 'hollow mandates,' and utilizing coalitions like the G-77 and China to increase bargaining power.

This briefing by the Institute for Security Studies examines the environmental risks associated with the Red Sea crisis, highlighting how military conflict and the rerouting of shipping traffic threaten marine ecosystems, increase carbon emissions, and jeopardize the food security of coastal populations in Africa.