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The document explores methods to overcome stalemates in international climate negotiations, suggesting a shift from unanimous consensus to qualified majority voting, the creation of interest-based coalitions, and the integration of climate justice and diverse representation in national delegations.

EU Environment Ministers failed to reach a consensus in Luxembourg on addressing the 13 billion tonne surplus of emission reduction permits from the first Kyoto commitment period. CDM Watch argues that this failure, driven largely by Poland's insistence on the unrestricted use of its surplus, weakens the EU's position for the Doha climate negotiations and threatens the environmental integrity of a second commitment period. The document highlights that the surplus, often termed "hot air," does not represent real emission reductions, as countries like Poland, Russia, and Ukraine had emissions levels well below their targets at the time of the Kyoto Protocol's adoption.

The document analyses the EU's negotiating strategy at the 2011 Durban Summit, arguing that a combination of realist bargaining and normative alliance-building with vulnerable developing nations was key to preventing the collapse of the UNFCCC process. It examines the internal complexities of the EU as a negotiating bloc and the shifting dynamics of developing country coalitions, such as the BASIC group and the Cartagena Dialogue. The author concludes that while the Durban roadmap was a success, significant challenges remain regarding climate finance, emission targets, and the willingness of major emitters like the US and China to commit to legally binding agreements.

The author proposes a cognitive approach to analyze the persistent failure of global climate governance, arguing that human behavior in negotiations is driven by underlying mental representations. The paper introduces cognitive-affective mapping (CAM) as a qualitative tool to visualize these belief systems, including their emotional valences. By applying CAM to UNFCCC participants, the research aims to identify cognitive barriers to cooperation and explore how these mental structures differ between individuals and groups, potentially offering new pathways for diplomatic breakthroughs.

The document analyzes the role of Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) nations in achieving the Durban Platform for Enhanced Action at COP17 and provides recommendations for the region to maintain high ambition in climate negotiations leading up to 2015. It emphasizes the need for LAC countries to coordinate with Africa and Asia, improve communication of low-carbon successes, and link climate resilience to national interests such as food security and trade.

The document examines the drivers of India's climate policy, arguing that these policies are embedded in broader strategic interests: foreign policy at the international level and development interests at the national and sub-national levels.

The report focuses on identifying and detailing the accessibility of climate change datasets within the 10 member countries of the Association of Strengthening Agricultural Research in Eastern and Central Africa (ASARECA). It further evaluates how these nations have incorporated climate change adaptation strategies into their national development plans and examines their respective stances in UNFCCC negotiations, emphasizing the need to provide tools and incentives for the poorest and most vulnerable populations.

The document argues that Hong Kong serves as a critical hub for South African entry into China due to its free-market economy, legal framework, and logistics infrastructure. It examines the broader China-South Africa strategic partnership, noting that while trade has grown significantly, South Africa struggles with a trade imbalance and a lack of mineral beneficiation. The author suggests that while Hong Kong will remain a key gateway for at least ten years, South Africa should expand its diplomatic presence in other Chinese cities to maintain competitiveness as new regional hubs emerge.

The Climate and Development Knowledge Network (CDKN) is a demand-led alliance of NGOs, a think tank, and a private sector firm that provides research, advisory services, and knowledge sharing to help developing countries achieve low-carbon, climate-resilient futures. Operating in over 40 countries across Africa, Asia, and Latin America and the Caribbean, CDKN focuses on four strategic themes: development strategies, access to climate finance, disaster risk management, and support for climate negotiators from vulnerable nations. The network has supported policy changes in 23 countries and manages an annual disbursement of £20 million.

The document argues that while UN climate negotiations have floundered, business leaders and individual governments are driving low-carbon action. It suggests that the primary value of international negotiations currently lies in creating expectations and inducing anticipatory action, but warns that long-term binding commitments are essential for credibility. The authors call for a post-Durban political roadmap to institutionalize the business case for climate action.

The document examines the strategic importance of low-carbon technology for the EU, highlighting the risk of 'high carbon lock-in' if infrastructure decisions today commit economies to high-emissions pathways for 20-30 years. It argues that the current 20% emissions target is insufficient to drive the necessary scale and speed of innovation. The authors propose a 30% target by 2020 to provide certainty for investors and spur the deployment of technologies like electric vehicles and carbon capture and sequestration (CCS). The report also emphasizes the need for a system-wide risk management approach and increased international cooperation, particularly with China, the US, and Japan, to create integrated global markets and avoid protectionism.

The report argues that the UNFCCC process became dysfunctional following the 'debacle' of COP 15 in Copenhagen, specifically regarding the use of small negotiating groups and 'chairs' texts'. To remedy this, the author proposes a 'politically balanced' model for selecting representatives to small groups to ensure legitimacy and inclusiveness. The report also suggests increasing transparency for informal consultations through calls for expressions of interest and virtual participation (webcasting). Finally, it recommends a structured approach to High-Level Segments, where ministers provide political guidance on a small number of 'crunch issues' through a sequential schedule of briefing, negotiating, and debriefing, while keeping heads of state and government in 'extracurricular' roles.

The document examines the risk of climate negotiations losing credibility due to complexity and economic uncertainty. It proposes a two-stage approach: a flexible transitional system (2013–2020) with varied commitments, followed by a 'hard shell' long-term regime (2020–2035) aligned with 2050 goals. This strategy aims to preserve the process's essence while integrating sustainable development goals from Rio+20 and data from the IPCC Fifth Assessment Report.

The report investigates how positions are formulated within the African Union (AU) and Regional Economic Communities (RECs), highlighting the tension between intergovernmentalism and supranationalism. It uses the 2009 Copenhagen climate negotiations as a case study to show how national interests and regional rivalries—such as those between Ethiopia and Sudan—undermine a unified African voice. The document also critiques the EU's approach to Africa, particularly the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs), arguing that the EU often ignores the complexity of African regional dynamics. Finally, it assesses peace and security architectures in Southern Africa (SADC) and the Horn of Africa (IGAD), noting that external financial incentives often drive missions that lack a solid local mandate.

South Africa's climate policy is shaped by a conflict between its role as an international 'bridge-builder' and domestic structural barriers. While the government pursues a leadership role in multilateral forums and the BASIC group, domestic progress is hindered by a 'minerals-energy complex' dominated by coal-reliant entities like Eskom and Sasol, alongside urgent priorities to expand energy access and employment. The document highlights the diplomatic challenge of balancing relations with major emerging economies and other African nations while managing internal political and industrial pressures.

The report analyzes the BASIC group's role in global climate diplomacy, arguing that while they appear as a unified bloc, their cooperation is conditioned by diverse domestic priorities and broader geopolitical ambitions. It examines the specific drivers for Brazil, South Africa, India, and China, and explores how the group balances its identity as developing nations with its rising global influence.

The 30th Executive Council (CE) meeting of the IAI established its new leadership, committed to improving member country engagement through national UNFCCC contact points, and initiated the development of a strategic plan to be approved at the next CoP.

The National Chairman of the South African Institute of International Affairs reviews the 2009-2010 period, highlighting South Africa's influence in the G20 and the BASIC group during the Copenhagen Climate Change Summit. It discusses the need for reform in Bretton Woods institutions and the challenges of democratic stability in Africa, specifically in Zimbabwe, Nigeria, and Sudan. The statement also outlines President Zuma's prioritisation of bilateral relations with Angola, Brazil, and the UK, and the establishment of the South African Development Partnership Agency (SADPA).

The briefing examines the 2010 Cancun climate talks following the perceived disappointment of the 2009 Copenhagen summit. It argues that success in Cancun depends on building trust between developed and developing nations through the tangible delivery of pledged 'fast-start' funding, understanding stakeholder interests, and adopting a modular approach to agreements rather than requiring a total consensus on all issues simultaneously. The author emphasizes the need for inclusive dialogue and concrete deliverables in areas such as clean energy technology, REDD, and climate resilience to restore confidence in the UNFCCC process.

The document analyzes India's transition from a rigid negotiating stance based on historical emissions equity to a more pragmatic engagement integrated with its broader foreign policy goals. While domestic action under the 2008 National Action Plan on Climate Change is driven by energy security and development, India's international diplomacy is increasingly influenced by its strategic relationships with the United States and China. However, structural economic barriers and domestic ideological norms continue to limit the extent of international emission commitments India can make.