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The document examines the critical role of National Governing Councils (NGCs) as the link between political leadership and technical research in the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). It identifies significant inconsistencies in NGC size, composition, and legal status across participating states, which hinder the consistency and legitimacy of Country Self-Assessment Reports (CSAR). The brief argues that meaningful independence from government, clear legal mandates, and robust technical support from the APRM Secretariat are essential for the mechanism's success. It recommends that the Secretariat develop coherent guidelines and that civil society organisations (CSOs) hold governments accountable for the composition of these councils.

The document argues that African regional integration remains a state-centric process, largely excluding citizens and businesses due to an information deficit and a lack of organized non-governmental constituencies. While some countries like Mauritius show successful business-government integration, most of the continent suffers from low public awareness and underdeveloped civil society organizations. The author recommends public education, high-quality research into stakeholder needs, and infrastructure upgrades to ensure that opening borders provides tangible benefits to the informal sector and private enterprise.

The report provides an 'Afro-realistic' analysis of accountability in Africa, contrasting the potential of continental initiatives like the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) and Agenda 2063 with the practical challenges of domestic implementation. It investigates the roles of the African Union (AU), national parliaments, ombudsman offices, and civil society in curbing executive power and ensuring sustainable peace. The text highlights a tension between economic development and democratic governance, noting that while some states achieve growth, it often occurs at the expense of human rights.

The document analyzes why the APRM process in Zambia has lost momentum despite early innovative practices. It identifies a lack of funding, poor coordination within civil society, and the disbandment of the civil society APRM Secretariat in 2011 as key drivers of this decline. The authors argue that the APRM has become dominated by the government post-review and is not central to Zambia's broader governance discourse. Recommendations include integrating the APRM into national development plans, increasing media coverage, and improving budgeting guidance from the continental APRM Secretariat.

The paper explores the shift in African governance from a policy of 'non-interference' to a proactive 'good governance' approach, largely driven by international donor conditionality and the end of the Cold War. It analyzes the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) as a tool for African-led governance reform and the increasing, though inconsistent, role of civil society in these processes. The author concludes that while good governance is a desirable condition, there is limited empirical evidence to prove it is the ultimate prerequisite for sustainable development in Africa.

The paper examines why elections in Africa often trigger violence and fail to legitimise power, attributing this to high stakes regarding access to state resources. It argues that technical fixes are insufficient and that stability requires inclusive political settlements, credible election management bodies (EMBs), and robust domestic observation and mediation systems involving civil society and traditional leaders.

The document examines the evolution of democratic governance in Africa from the OAU era to the AU era, focusing on the APRM and ACDEG. It argues that while the continent has shifted from 'politics of the bullet' to 'politics of the ballot', significant challenges remain, including 'illiberal democracies' and slow implementation of governance reviews. The author advocates for stronger synergies between the African Governance Architecture (AGA) and the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), increased domestic funding for National Programmes of Action (NPoAs), and a balanced role for non-state actors to prevent 'state capture' of these initiatives.

Friends of the Earth Asia Pacific (FoE APac) expresses concern that the South Korean government is promoting the 'Four Rivers Project' as a model for a similar water management contract in Thailand despite evidence of ecological destruction. FoE APac asserts that the project damaged river ecology by blocking flows with dams and straightening serpentine rivers, and argues that claimed benefits like flood control and water quality improvement were used to obfuscate these impacts. The statement also condemns the South Korean government's labeling of critical environmental NGOs as "unpatriotic" and "anti-state" during a Cabinet meeting on January 15th, viewing this as an attempt to suppress civil society and hinder collaborative environmental responses.

The document explores methods to overcome stalemates in international climate negotiations, suggesting a shift from unanimous consensus to qualified majority voting, the creation of interest-based coalitions, and the integration of climate justice and diverse representation in national delegations.

The paper analyzes Kenya's experience with the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), noting that while the initial 2006 review was high-quality and well-supported, the subsequent implementation of the National Programme of Action (NPoA) failed due to a lack of political will, poor coordination with national development plans like 'Vision 2030', and competing governance initiatives. The author highlights the impact of the 2007 post-election violence and the role of the new constitution as a potential catalyst for revitalizing the APRM. Recommendations include strengthening the continental APR Secretariat, institutionalizing civil society monitoring, and learning from the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) model of multi-stakeholder trust and capacity building.

CDM Watch recommends several procedural improvements to the CDM Executive Board to enhance accessibility and communication for civil society, including better notification systems, language translation of project documents, and extended public commenting periods.

The AMAT Pilot Guide outlines a five-stage methodology for monitoring the implementation of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) and its National Programmes of Action (NPoAs). The process involves desk research, stakeholder interviews, analysis of the APRM process, identification of priority areas, and the development of recommendations to improve governance and policy dialogue. The guide is designed to empower civil society organisations (CSOs) to act as monitoring partners and advocacy agents, ensuring that state commitments are tracked and that public participation in policy-making is enhanced. It includes specific data collection instruments tailored for government officials, parliamentarians, CSOs, academics, and development partners.

The report examines the tension between trade growth and environmental sustainability in the Mekong subregion, noting that environmental protections often take a backseat to industrialization and that regional efforts to balance these interests have seen little effectiveness.

The Pilot Project Pakistan (PPP), launched in 2008, tested a model to support Norwegian-Pakistani organizations that did not meet standard Norad funding requirements. The project utilized a dual-resource structure with a secretariat in Norway (Development Fund and Norwegian Church Aid) and a resource organization in Pakistan (Sungi) to provide capacity building, project guidance, and monitoring. The review found that the PPP successfully increased the development impact of diaspora initiatives and fostered the inclusion of diaspora groups in Norwegian society. Key successes included the transition of some participants to regular Norad funding and the creation of networking synergies. However, challenges remained regarding the 50-50 funding ratio, the need for better needs-assessments for training, and the vulnerability of local partners to staff turnover. The report recommends establishing a long-term resource centre for diaspora organizations to provide ongoing competence building and coordination.

The document reports on a February 2010 roundtable discussing the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). It highlights the mechanism's success in attracting 30 member states and producing 12 comprehensive Country Review Reports (CRRs) that diagnose governance failures. However, it identifies critical weaknesses, including a 'crisis of leadership', insufficient funding, and a lack of systematic implementation of National Programmes of Action (NPoAs). The discussion emphasizes the need for greater transparency in the Panel of Eminent Persons and more robust civil society engagement to ensure the APRM's long-term credibility and impact.

The briefing emphasizes that climate adaptation is a governance challenge requiring the active participation of vulnerable populations and civil society to avoid top-down failures. It advocates for community-based adaptation, the integration of traditional and scientific knowledge, and the necessity of developed countries fulfilling their historic responsibility to support developing nations. The author highlights the need for transparent, centralized government processes that align diverse sectors—such as agriculture and environment—to build resilience and protect livelihoods.

The document analyzes three generations of unconstitutional power shifts in Africa, from post-independence coups to modern manipulations of term limits and 'models' of military intervention. It argues that while Regional Economic Communities (RECs) like ECOWAS and SADC have the potential to mitigate these trends through sanctions and democratic protocols, their effectiveness is hindered by state sovereignty, inconsistent implementation of laws, and the influence of powerful regional leaders who support usurpers. The authors recommend that RECs focus on root causes—such as socioeconomic stagnation and weak institutions—and encourage the ratification of the AU Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance.

The document details the campaign to stop the Chinese vessel An Yue Jiang from delivering weapons to Zimbabwe following the contested 2008 elections. It examines the roles of legal challenges, media, and regional partnerships in preventing the shipment's delivery through South Africa, Mozambique, Namibia, and Angola.

The document discusses the emergence of 'alternative regionalism' in Southeast Asia, driven by civil society actors seeking a bottom-up approach to regional governance. It notes that while ASEAN has historically engaged with limited academic and economic actors, there is a growing demand from NGOs and community-based organisations to participate in decisions affecting the region's 550 million people, particularly regarding human rights and economic development.

The report outlines a framework for effective policy advocacy in Africa based on four pillars: strategic planning, functional networks, political sophistication, and the use of evidence and technology. It analyzes successful campaigns, such as the Treatment Action Campaign in South Africa and the Anti-Third Term Campaign in Zambia, to demonstrate how CSOs can navigate hostile political environments, leverage legal instruments, and use mobile technology for social mobilisation.