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The Paris Agreement entered into force on 4 November 2016, with 100 countries representing 67% of global greenhouse gas emissions having ratified it. COP22 and the first meeting of the CMA are tasked with developing operational rules for transparency, progress monitoring, and ramping up ambition to limit global temperature rise to well below 2 degrees Celsius. Key points of contention include the verification of national commitments and the insufficiency of pledges to meet the $100 billion climate finance goal for developing countries by 2020. South Africa has ratified the agreement and set an emissions reduction target of 398–614 MtCO2e for 2025–2030, though this is largely conditional on external assistance and complicated by a continued reliance on coal and budgetary restraints.

The report finds broad support among US registered voters for international climate agreements, greenhouse gas emission reductions, and the transition to renewable energy. While political divisions exist, majorities across party lines support taxing or regulating pollution, funding renewable energy research, and investing in national infrastructure, particularly roads, bridges, and water systems.

The report finds broad support among U.S. registered voters for participating in the Paris COP21 agreement, reducing greenhouse gas emissions, and transitioning to renewable energy. While political divisions exist, majorities across party lines support taxing or regulating pollution, funding renewable energy research, and investing in national infrastructure, particularly roads, bridges, and water systems.

The report identifies a set of 21 cost-effective and technically feasible policies that can enable Mexico to meet its 2030 climate goals. It proposes two scenarios: an unconditional package to reduce GHG emissions by 22% below the baseline and a conditional package for a 36% reduction. The analysis indicates that Mexico can achieve these targets while realizing significant net financial savings and public health benefits through reduced particulate matter pollution. The proposed eight-point action plan prioritizes industrial efficiency, methane capture, and carbon pricing as the most impactful interventions.

The report evaluates the climate policy engagement of several major fossil fuel companies, including BP, Shell, ExxonMobil, Chevron, ConocoPhillips, Arch Coal, CONSOL Energy, and Peabody Energy. It uses a scoring system to measure their support for federal carbon reduction policies, their responses to the EPA Clean Power Plan and Methane Rule, and their participation in climate-supportive business alliances. Findings range from 'Good' scores for companies like BP, which supports carbon pricing and the Oil and Gas Climate Initiative, to 'Poor' or 'Egregious' scores for companies like Peabody Energy, which the report claims used climate science disinformation to oppose the Clean Power Plan.

South Africa's 2nd Biennial Update Report (2016) provides a comprehensive assessment of the country's greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions from 2000 to 2012, highlighting the energy sector as the primary contributor. It outlines national mitigation strategies, including the introduction of a carbon tax and carbon budgets, and details the financial resources mobilized from bilateral and multilateral sources. The report also describes the development of a national monitoring, reporting, and verification (MRV) system and the National Greenhouse Gas Inventory System (NGHGIS) to improve data accuracy and transparency.

The report evaluates the Indonesian power sector using the Financial Sustainability Electricity Sector (FSES) framework. It finds that while generation capacity and reliability are improving, the sector remains heavily dependent on government subsidies and coal, with renewable energy deployment lagging behind official targets.

The report analyzes the compatibility of Carbon Market Clubs (CMCs)—networks of emissions trading schemes (ETSs) sharing rules and services—with various 'climate clubs' consisting of governments, cities, and businesses. It explores whether standardized CMC services, such as mitigation value assessments and international asset reserves, can reduce transaction costs and political barriers to linking diverse carbon markets. While the Paris Agreement's Article 6.2 encourages voluntary cooperation, the report finds that political concerns over sovereignty, environmental integrity, and the 'not invented here' syndrome often outweigh technical efficiencies. Case studies of the EU ETS, WCI, RGGI, and ICAO illustrate the tension between the desire for centralized control and the economic benefits of networked markets.

The report analyzes various policy scenarios for China's energy transition, highlighting that carbon pricing and renewable energy standards are the most powerful tools for reducing emissions. It emphasizes that regulatory policies, particularly energy efficiency standards in buildings and industry, are highly cost-effective. The analysis suggests a transition toward a service-based economy and a decarbonized electricity grid to meet emissions peaking goals by 2030.

The document outlines a carbon offset mechanism designed to allow South African firms to reduce their carbon tax liability by investing in external GHG mitigation projects. It establishes a framework where offsets can provide a tax-free allowance of 5% or 10%, primarily relying on international standards like the CDM, VCS, and Gold Standard. The scheme is restricted to projects located within South Africa and those outside the direct scope of the carbon tax to prevent double counting. Administration is tasked to the Designated National Authority (DNA) within the Department of Energy, supported by an Independent Expert Committee and a national registry to track the transfer and retirement of credits.

The report explores the concept of 'policy crediting'—crediting emission reductions resulting from policy actions—as a means to encourage the implementation or strengthening of energy pricing and carbon pricing reforms. While noting that no real-world case examples of this currently exist, the study uses case studies from Morocco, Indonesia, Mexico, and Beijing to propose three generic options for policy crediting: supporting reductions at the policy margin, supporting reductions within the policy instrument, and overcoming implementation barriers. The author concludes that further work is required to develop monitoring, reporting, and verification (MRV) frameworks and to understand the political economy challenges associated with these approaches.

The report examines the potential for 'policy crediting' to incentivize developing countries to implement or strengthen carbon pricing and energy subsidy reforms. Through case studies in Morocco, Indonesia, Mexico, and China (Beijing), the study finds that the financial value of carbon credits is generally very low compared to the fiscal gains from the base policies themselves, suggesting that credits are unlikely to be the primary driver for policy adoption. However, the report argues that crediting could still play a role by supporting mitigation at the 'policy margin' (complementary measures), funding the operational strengthening of ETS markets, or providing targeted compensation to vulnerable stakeholders. The authors highlight significant challenges in establishing baselines and monitoring, reporting, and verification (MRV) for policy-level reductions compared to project-level offsets.

The report finds that while Democrats are generally more convinced of human-caused global warming than Republicans, liberal and moderate Republicans often align with the mainstream public and moderate Democrats. A significant majority of registered voters support various climate policies, including renewable energy research, tax rebates for energy efficiency, and carbon dioxide regulation, though conservative Republicans remain a distinct outlier in their skepticism and opposition to these measures.

The authors propose that Canada use the Federal Sustainable Development Act and the Federal Sustainable Development Strategy (FSDS) as the primary vehicles for implementing the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) domestically. They argue that the FSDS must evolve from a narrow environmental focus to a comprehensive economic, social, and environmental agenda to avoid losing critical time in the 15-year window to achieve the 2030 Agenda.

The document examines the role of carbon pricing within the EU's Effort Sharing Decision (ESD), which covers approximately 60% of EU emissions. It argues that while carbon pricing is a useful tool, it cannot deliver results alone and must be framed within a supportive policy context. The author critiques the EU Emission Trading System (ETS) for permit oversupply and warns against expanding the ETS into transport and heating, suggesting instead national carbon taxes, permit trading, or auctioning of permits. Specifically, auctioning half of annual reductions could generate over €9 billion between 2021 and 2030.

The report details a December 2015 workshop in Paris focused on 'low carbon clubs' or multijurisdictional cooperative approaches (MCAs). Participants argued that these clubs should aim to increase emissions reduction ambition and could use carbon pricing to fund technological innovation in sectors like gas, electricity, oil, and mining. The discussion highlighted the potential for linking diverse carbon markets through initiatives like the World Bank's Networked Carbon Markets (NCM) and emphasized the need for non-pricing incentives—such as technology transfer and capacity building—to encourage participation from developing nations and the Alliance of Small Island States.

The policy brief asserts that global climate success depends on the 20 largest emitting nations adopting a small set of high-impact policies across four sectors: electricity, buildings, industry, and transportation. It emphasizes that policy design is critical to avoid inefficiencies and suggests the use of 'Best Practice Networks' (BPNs) to provide technical expertise to governments to ensure these policies are effectively implemented.

The report argues that carbon pricing is a critical tool for meeting the Paris Agreement's goal of keeping global temperatures well below 2°C. It introduces 'Carbon Pricing Bands' to categorize price levels by their economic impact—ranging from 'Introductory' (up to $20) to 'Targeted' (above $80)—and presents four potential future trajectories: a 'Success Trajectory' leading to a low-carbon world, and three failure scenarios ('Sailing into the Cliff', 'Stormy Waters', and 'Running Aground') where temperatures rise by 3°C to 4°C due to inadequate or chaotic pricing policies. The update highlights post-COP21 developments, including the commitment of 90 nations to use market mechanisms and specific national actions in China, India, and Canada.

The report analyzes Estonia's energy transition from a system heavily dependent on oil shale to one based on low-carbon sources by 2050. Using LEAP, Balmorel, and EMPS models, it evaluates four scenarios: Baseline (BAU), Carbon Neutral (CN), 100% renewable (RES), and 100% renewable with increased demand (RES+). Key findings highlight that while wind and biomass have significant potential, achieving a carbon-neutral sector requires phasing out oil shale by 2040, expanding interconnections with the Nordic Power System (specifically Sweden and Finland), and implementing policy reforms such as removing fossil fuel subsidies and increasing investment support for small-scale renewables and energy efficiency.

Michigan is required by the U.S. EPA to reduce power sector emissions by 33 percent below 2012 levels by 2030. The document argues that by adhering to its energy efficiency and renewable energy standards, and by optimizing the use of natural gas and coal plants, the state can reduce emissions by 36 percent below 2012 levels by 2030, exceeding its target by 9 percent.