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The report details how private equity firms continue to acquire coal assets in the US, India, the Philippines, and Europe, often facing financial failure or environmental criticism. While US coal consumption dropped 44% since 2010 and utilities plan to retire dozens of plants by 2025, firms like KKR, Blackstone, and Macquarie have pursued coal investments that have resulted in bankruptcies or increased emissions. The document highlights a disconnect between the global need to reduce coal for the Paris Agreement and the investment strategies of private equity, especially as the COVID-19 pandemic further reduces energy demand.

A survey of 1,029 U.S. adults conducted in April 2020 reveals that while 75% of registered voters believe global warming is happening, views on its causes and the urgency of action vary significantly by political affiliation. Despite these divisions, there is broad cross-party support for renewable energy research, public land use for clean energy, and the Paris Climate Agreement. The report also finds that a candidate's position on global warming is a 'very important' voting factor for 43% of registered voters.

The research utilizes a water-energy-carbon nexus perspective to analyze renewable power curtailments in China. Through complete and partial depletion experiments, the study finds that reducing curtailments for wind, solar, and hydropower would significantly lower carbon emissions and save water resources compared to fossil-fueled thermal generation, with wind power offering the most substantial environmental benefits.

Between January 1 and June 15, 2020, China experienced a surge in coal power development, with 17.0 GW of capacity approved and 40.8 GW planned. This trend is driven by local government efforts to stimulate GDP and economic growth following the COVID-19 pandemic, rather than actual energy demand. The report highlights that China already faces an estimated 400 GW of excess coal capacity, and this new expansion contradicts global trends and IPCC targets to limit warming to 1.5°C.

The author analyzes the impact of the HS 2022 amendments, which introduce specific six-digit trade codes for environmental goods and hazardous substances. By resolving the 'specificity problem'—where multiple products were previously grouped under a single code—these changes facilitate trade negotiations for tariff elimination, such as those under the Agreement on Climate Change, Trade and Sustainability (ACCTS), and improve the collection of trade statistics for climate-relevant technologies like solar PV cells and electric vehicles.

The document analyzes two primary compensation mechanisms for LEAG's lignite-fired units in Lusatia: Direct Closure Payments and a New Security Reserve. It argues that the EUR 1.75 billion in Direct Closure Payments lack a meaningful incentive effect because the plants would close on a similar or earlier schedule under business-as-usual scenarios, resulting in minimal CO2 reductions. Furthermore, it contends that the New Security Reserve is unlawful as it fails to meet the design and transparency requirements of the EU's 2019 Electricity Market Regulation and creates a perverse incentive for operators to increase generation prior to mothballing to maximize remuneration.

Turkey is pursuing a civilian nuclear energy program to diversify its energy sources and meet rapidly growing electricity demand, primarily through the Akkuyu Nuclear Power Plant developed with Russia under a 'build-own-operate' (BOO) model. While Turkey adheres to international nonproliferation regimes and collaborates with the IAEA, the BOO model creates risks regarding regulatory oversight, information asymmetry, and potential safety compromises to reduce costs. Additionally, Turkey faces significant climate security threats, including drought and sea-level rise, which may impact the operation of its coastal nuclear sites. The program also reflects Turkey's complex strategic balancing between Russia and NATO allies.

The report finds that 75% of registered U.S. voters believe global warming is happening, with strong bipartisan support for renewable energy research and the Paris Climate Agreement. However, significant polarization remains regarding the causes of global warming and the Green New Deal, with Democrats viewing climate change as a much higher voting priority than Republicans.

The briefing argues that expanding the U.S. electric bus fleet would create manufacturing jobs, reduce carbon emissions by 7 million tons annually, and improve public health by replacing diesel engines. It proposes utilizing $20 billion in federal grants to replace 60,000 buses—approximately 10% of the national fleet—through existing programs like Clean Cities and the Low and No Emission Vehicle Program.

This guide outlines six strategies for homeowners to save money and reduce carbon emissions during the COVID-19 crisis: optimizing thermostat settings, switching to LED lighting, scheduling appliance use during low-emissions periods, reviewing utility rate structures, planning for the removal of gas appliances, and improving indoor air quality by opening windows.

Since 2015, the Law and Justice (PiS) party has led Poland toward Euroscepticism and the erosion of the rule of law. The author argues that PiS's worldview creates critical contradictions: while seeking to reduce dependence on Russian gas and oil, the government has increased imports of cheaper Russian coal and lacks a strategic plan for renewable energy, leading to a rise in carbon emissions. Simultaneously, while opening the labor market to Ukrainian workers for economic reasons, PiS has overseen a deterioration in bilateral relations with Ukraine and tightened citizenship laws, potentially priming the country for a nationalistic backlash.

The report argues that carbon pricing in wholesale electricity markets can reduce CO2 emissions at the lowest cost and improve economic efficiency. It focuses on the role of Regional Transmission Organizations (RTOs) in pricing emissions directly within energy market operations and outlines the legal and economic frameworks necessary for the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission, states, and RTOs to implement such rules.

The authors examine the experiences of villagers near the Garzweiler mine in the Rhineland, where lignite extraction continues to displace communities. They argue that the resettlement process is characterized by procedural injustice, as German federal mining law prioritizes resource extraction over residents' interests. The document highlights the failure of the 'joint resettlement' model to address non-material losses, such as the loss of 'Heimat' (homeland) and the erosion of social structures. It further links these local struggles to Germany's broader failure to accelerate its energy transition (Energiewende), noting that the country remains Europe's largest carbon emitter. The text describes the emergence of activist movements like Alle Dörfer Bleiben and Ende Gelände as responses to political inaction and the perceived entanglement between the government and the mining industry.

The statement asserts that environmental degradation and climate change amplify existing gender inequalities due to unequal power relations. It highlights that women produce over half the world's food but own less than 15% of the land, and that their unpaid care work, valued at over $10.8 trillion annually, remains systematically undervalued. The author calls for a 'gender just transition' that moves beyond technical solutions like renewable energy to include the revaluation of the care economy, social protection, and the elimination of intersecting discriminations based on race, class, and gender.

The author contends that the American Energy Innovation Act (AEIA) contains a critical gap due to the removal of building-code provisions from the Portman-Shaheen legislation. According to the American Council for an Energy Efficient Economy (ACEEE), these missing provisions—Sections 101 and 102—would have saved Americans over $41 billion and reduced carbon emissions by 1.1 billion metric tons by 2050. The document rejects claims by the National Association of Home Builders (NAHB) that energy-efficient codes make housing unaffordable, arguing instead that lower monthly utility bills improve long-term affordability and that such codes enhance building safety and resilience against extreme weather.

The policy brief estimates that the construction of the EF-170 Ferrogrão railway will induce the deforestation of 2,043 square kilometers of native vegetation in Mato Grosso if no mitigation measures are implemented. This land-use change is projected to release 75 million tonnes of carbon, representing an environmental cost of approximately US$ 1.9 billion, which is about 60% of the project's estimated implementation cost of US$ 3.1 billion. The analysis uses a 'market access' approach to show how improved logistics for grain producers will increase demand for land, specifically affecting 38 municipalities.

The document evaluates the environmental risks of the EF-170 Ferrogrão railroad, estimating that without mitigation, the project will induce 2,043 square kilometers of deforestation in Mato Grosso. This land-use change is projected to release 75 million tons of carbon, creating an environmental cost of approximately US$1.9 billion, which represents about 60% of the railroad's estimated US$3.1 billion implementation cost.

The report finds that while the global coal fleet grew by 34.1 GW in 2019, this was primarily driven by China, as the fleet outside China shrank for the second consecutive year. Most leading indicators of growth, including construction starts and pre-permit development, continued to decline globally. The report highlights a shift in financing, with Western commercial banks exiting project finance for coal, while Chinese public finance and Indian state-backed institutions continue to support new capacity. Despite these trends, the report argues that coal power use must fall by 80% by 2030 to align with the 1.5C warming limit of the Paris climate agreement.

The report finds that while global coal capacity grew by 34.1 GW in 2019, this was primarily driven by China, where 68.3 GW of new capacity began operating. Outside China, the global coal fleet shrank for the second consecutive year. Pre-construction pipelines are declining globally, with significant drops in India, Southeast Asia, Africa, and Latin America. In OECD countries, capacity has declined since 2011, though Japan remains a major driver of new coal power. Financing is becoming more restrictive, with no direct project finance from major US, European, or Australian banks for 2019 constructions, although public financing from China and India continues to support new projects.

The report finds that while global coal capacity increased by 34.1 GW in 2019—driven primarily by China—overall planning and construction are declining globally. It highlights a significant shift in the OECD, where the US and EU are accelerating closures, while Japan remains a major supporter of new coal projects both domestically and abroad. The document also notes a critical gap between current trends and the IPCC's requirement to reduce coal power by 80% by 2030 to limit warming to 1.5°C.