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The report provides guidance for developing countries to align their National Adaptation Plans (NAPs) with Adaptation Communications (AdComs) under the Paris Agreement. It analyzes trends among the 56 countries that have submitted AdComs, noting that most developing nations use either standalone documents or their Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) as vehicles. The document outlines how countries at different stages of the NAP process—early stage, finalizing, or implementing—can use AdComs to consolidate information, advocate for support, or share lessons learned. It also highlights trends in gender integration, adaptation costing, and the use of case studies to demonstrate resilience.

The document examines the intersection of gender and climate finance, highlighting how gender inequalities shape the differentiated impacts of climate change. It argues that while international frameworks like the UNFCCC have increasingly acknowledged gender, climate finance remains largely 'gender neutral' and lacks enforcement mechanisms. The brief identifies significant barriers to gender mainstreaming, including a lack of technical capacity and a tendency to conflate 'gender' with 'women's issues'. It positions public development banks (PDBs) as critical agents for change, recommending they move beyond symptomatic treatments of inequality toward a gender-transformative approach that addresses root causes and power imbalances.

The report finds that while more countries mention fossil fuel production in their climate plans over time, most references relate to continued or increased production rather than a managed phase-out. Only a small number of countries have set specific targets or policies to wind down production, and many lack detailed plans for economic diversification or just transitions for workers.

The document emphasizes the need to establish a global monitoring, evaluation, and learning (MEL) system under the global goal on adaptation (GGA) framework by COP 28. It argues that the GGA should prioritize enhancing adaptation action and meeting the needs of developing countries over becoming a prolonged methodological exercise. The report highlights that the Glasgow-Sharm-el Sheikh (GlaSS) work program, established at COP 26, aims to operationalize the GGA, with the goal of finalizing a framework for adoption at COP 28 to increase the visibility of adaptation and inform finance directions.

The briefing asserts that current climate frameworks, including the Paris Agreement, are insufficient because they focus on emissions (demand) rather than production (supply). It proposes a new legal instrument—a Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty—to prevent the proliferation of fossil fuels, manage a fair phase-out where wealthy nations transition fastest, and ensure a global just transition for workers and communities. The document outlines building blocks for this cooperation, such as the Beyond Oil and Gas Alliance (BOGA) and a Global Registry of Fossil Fuels, and calls for governments to support the initiative and an ICJ Advisory opinion on climate change.

The briefing asserts that current global production plans for fossil fuels will lead to emissions more than double what is compatible with the 1.5 °C target. It argues that while the Paris Agreement focuses on emissions, a new international legal instrument is needed to specifically target the supply side by ending new exploration and managing the equitable decline of existing production. The proposed treaty framework emphasizes a 'just transition' where wealthy nations transition fastest and provide financial and technological support to poorer, dependent nations. The document suggests a path toward this treaty through new country coalitions, such as the Beyond Oil and Gas Alliance (BOGA), increased transparency via the Global Fossil Fuel Registry, and the potential creation of a Global Commission on Fossil Fuels.

The briefing advocates for a Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty to address the climate crisis by targeting the supply side of fossil fuels. It argues that existing frameworks like the Paris Agreement are insufficient because they focus on emissions rather than production. The proposed treaty would focus on three pillars: non-proliferation of new fuels, an equitable phase-out of existing production, and a global just transition. The document outlines necessary international cooperation, including new coalitions like the Beyond Oil and Gas Alliance (BOGA) and tools like the Global Fossil Fuel Register, while drawing parallels to successful treaties on nuclear weapons and landmines.

The paper traces the evolution of Indigenous Peoples' engagement with the UNFCCC, highlighting the transition from marginal participation to the recognition of rights in the Paris Agreement. It argues that while institutional progress has been made, the actual integration of Indigenous knowledge into climate policy remains limited and often tokenistic.

The briefing outlines critical design considerations for the Transitional Committee tasked with operationalizing the loss and damage fund agreed upon at COP27. It identifies three primary challenges: determining whether the fund should be a gap fund, a catalytic fund, or a mixed model; defining the boundaries between loss and damage, adaptation, and humanitarian finance; and identifying reliable funding sources. The author suggests that the committee avoid the pitfalls of existing UNFCCC mechanisms—such as voluntary contribution cycles that lead to rushed proposals and slow disbursements—by studying diverse financial models, including pooled funds and the EU's Structural Funds, to ensure predictability and fast disbursement for vulnerable countries.

Earthjustice argues that limiting climate mitigation to the property level is insufficient to protect world heritage. The statement recommends that the World Heritage Committee recognize state parties' national-level obligations to limit warming to 1.5°C, acknowledge extraterritorial obligations under Article 6(3) to prevent transboundary harm, and utilize the List of World Heritage in Danger to hold states accountable for climate-related threats.

The Stakeholder Toolkit is a directory of resources for Indigenous Peoples and Local Communities (IPs and LCs). It categorizes tools into training for international climate conferences (such as COP27), data-sharing and monitoring software (like Forest Watcher and Mapeo), and guides for companies and subnational governments to respect land and forest tenure rights. It also lists key global alliances and organizations, such as the Rights and Resources Initiative and the Global Alliance of Territorial Communities, that support the rights of forest communities and the protection of nature.

The document defines carbon accounting as the practice of quantifying and reporting greenhouse gas emissions to set reduction targets. It traces the evolution of environmental reporting from the 1987 Montreal Protocol and the 1997 Kyoto Protocol to the establishment of the Greenhouse Gas Protocol. The text distinguishes between attributional accounting, which identifies where emissions occur, and consequential accounting, which measures system-wide changes resulting from specific actions. It argues that while attributional accounting is standard, organizations must adopt both methods in tandem and move toward near real-time assessments to effectively implement climate commitments and legislation like the US Inflation Reduction Act.

Ember employs a scoring system from 0 to 6 to assess the reliability of country-level coal mine methane (CMM) emissions reporting. The score is derived from three categories: the recency of UNFCCC reporting, the similarity of reported data to independent estimates from the IEA, GEM, and satellite observations, and the robustness of the estimation methods (UNFCCC tiers). The methodology includes specific adjustments for countries with significant changes in coal production, low-emitting countries, and the proportion of surface versus underground mining.

The document argues that carbon markets and offsetting mechanisms are ineffective 'false solutions' that allow major polluters to continue emitting while causing harm to ecosystems and communities, particularly in the Global South. It details the mechanisms of the UNFCCC's Article 6, various regional and national carbon pricing initiatives, and provides strategies for civil society to resist these systems through advocacy, legal action, and community mobilization.

The author contends that Canada's attempt to claim emission credits for low-carbon exports is incompatible with the territorial GHG accounting system used by the UNFCCC. While Internationally Transferred Mitigation Outcomes (ITMOs) under Article 6 of the Paris Agreement allow for credit transfers, the author argues these are unlikely to apply to commercial transactions like LNG sales, as importing countries are unlikely to voluntarily surrender credits for products they already pay for at market price. Furthermore, the document asserts that changing global accounting rules to include export effects would be resisted by other nations and could potentially penalize Canada due to its high-emission exports, such as oil sands products.

The 2022 report outlines the achievements of the WHO-Civil Society Working Group, including coordinated submissions to the UNFCCC, a joint call for a fossil fuel non-proliferation treaty, and the establishment of a health pavilion at COP27. It also details efforts to integrate climate change into health professional curricula and plans for a new WHA resolution in 2024.

A coalition of development, faith-based, and environmental organizations requests that the U.S. government maintain $64.5 billion for foreign assistance in FY23 and maximize international climate finance to meet a $11.4 billion commitment. The letter specifies funding targets for bilateral programs, including adaptation and renewable energy, and multilateral funds such as the Green Climate Fund. The authors argue that such investments are essential for U.S. national security, global stability, and international credibility.

A coalition of development, faith-based, and environmental organizations is calling on the U.S. House of Representatives to maintain $64.5 billion for foreign assistance and maximize international climate finance for FY23. The group advocates for funding levels that align with President Biden's $11.4 billion commitment, specifically requesting $1.275 billion for bilateral environment programs and $2.485 billion for multilateral assistance, including $1.6 billion for the Green Climate Fund.

A coalition of environmental, faith-based, and policy organizations is calling on the U.S. Senate to maintain $64.5 billion for foreign assistance and maximize international climate finance to meet President Biden's $11.4 billion commitment. The letter specifies funding targets for bilateral programs, including adaptation and renewable energy, and multilateral funds such as the Green Climate Fund. The authors argue that these investments are essential for U.S. national security, global stability, and international credibility.

A joint editorial by over 30 global media organisations calling for urgent climate action, increased financial support for developing nations, and a rapid transition away from fossil fuels during the Cop27 summit.