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The Superior Court of Justice in Ontario denied a motion to dismiss a case brought by seven youth who argued that Ontario's 2030 greenhouse gas reduction target of 30% below 2005 levels is insufficiently ambitious and violates constitutional rights under the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedom. The court ruled that the application is prima facie justiciable, the targets are reviewable, and the applicants have standing for themselves and future generations.

Six youth activists sued the Brazilian government, claiming the 2020 NDC update used an 'accounting trick' to increase allowable emissions while maintaining the same reduction percentages as the 2015 NDC. The plaintiffs argued this violated the principle of non-regression and the Paris Agreement. A federal judge denied the request for urgent injunctive relief, ruling that the updated NDC's goal of climate neutrality by 2060 and the nature of the calculation changes did not prove a lack of ambition or a violation of the principle of progression. The case is currently awaiting final judgement.

The document details the Trump administration's systematic dismantling of U.S. climate and environmental justice policies, highlighting the rescission of the Justice 40 initiative and the freezing of funds from the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) and the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law. It reports on the administrative leave of 168 EPA employees dedicated to underserved communities and the suspension of Community Benefit Plans by the Department of Energy. The guide provides resources for journalists to track the impact of these cuts on specific programs like Solar for All and the efforts of activists and legal experts to resist these changes.

The document outlines an evaluation of 18 Nordic Development Fund (NDF) projects to assess their contribution to climate mitigation and transformative change. Using the Climate Investment Fund’s (CIF) Principles for Transformational Climate Finance, the study examines whether Swedish development finance achieves the scale and speed of emission reductions necessary to meet the Paris Agreement's 1.5 C temperature goal. The evaluation focuses on speed, scale, systemic change, relevance, additionality, co-benefits, and transparency, emphasizing that transformative potential requires analysis of wider structural change beyond simple quantitative greenhouse gas measurements.

The document describes Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) as the individual climate plans countries use to contribute to the Paris Agreement's goal of limiting global temperature rise to 1.5°C. It highlights the technical and political challenges of formulating NDCs, particularly for developing nations, and explains how these documents signal financial needs to investors and global climate funds. The briefing notes that G20 nations are critical due to their high emissions, while Small Island Developing States (SIDS) use NDCs to lead by example and request 'means of implementation' such as technology transfer and financing.

The document details the Trump administration's efforts to gut US climate policy, focusing on the rescission of the Justice 40 initiative and the freezing of related federal funds. It reports on the administrative leave of EPA employees, the suspension of Community Benefit Plans at the Department of Energy, and the removal of the Climate and Economic Justice Screening Tool, while highlighting the intended goals of the original environmental justice programs.

The author contends that following the U.S. lead in abandoning the Paris climate accord would be 'economically perilous' for countries like Indonesia. He highlights the continued global acceleration of electric vehicle and solar energy growth, and cites specific policy actions in Japan and South Korea as examples of proactive decarbonization. The text argues that U.S. clean energy deployment is driven by economic sense and private sector investment, which will persist regardless of federal government policy.

The World Resources Institute warns that the Trump administration's retreat from climate action and multilateralism—including withdrawing from the Paris Agreement and freezing foreign assistance—will undermine U.S. security, prosperity, and global stability. The organization highlights that the U.S. provides over 10% of global climate finance and cautions that halting this support will make it harder to reach the $1.3 trillion target needed by developing countries by 2035.

ClientEarth argues that the 'recklessness standard' in English law already protects companies from liability for honest but incorrect forward-looking statements in transition plans. It contends that detailed transition planning reduces risks related to greenwashing, breach of duty, and human rights harms, and opposes the introduction of 'safe-harbours' which would undermine market integrity.

The report highlights a stark contrast between the $7 trillion in annual global fossil fuel subsidies and the limited funding for climate action. It proposes a $150 per tonne of CO2e levy on international shipping as a landmark mechanism to make polluters pay and fund a just energy transition. While supported by over 50 countries representing 66% of the global fleet, the levy is opposed by BRICS and Petro-States, who account for 68% of fossil fuel subsidies. The author contends that such a levy is legally viable and essential to keep global warming below 1.5°C.

The report provides a detailed analysis of the implementation of Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanisms (CBAMs) in the EU, UK, and Australia. It examines the transition from free allocations to border adjustments in the EU, the UK's planned 2027 launch, and Australia's ongoing carbon leakage review. Additionally, it tracks the evolution of multilateral discussions at the WTO, noting a shift from general concerns about protectionism toward specific technical cooperation and interoperability.

The document analyzes how Colombia and Nigeria use narratives of development, energy security, and energy transition to maintain dependence on fossil fuels. It argues that these narratives are often inaccurate or outdated, contributing to 'carbon lock-in'. The briefing suggests that civil society and researchers can counter these claims by demanding transparency, highlighting the benefits of renewables, and promoting science-based alternatives for a just transition.

The We Mean Business Coalition's Corporate Climate Policy Engagement Reporting Template guides companies through establishing a baseline, analyzing advocacy activities, and publicly disclosing their alignment with 1.5°C climate goals. It emphasizes the need for board oversight, cross-departmental collaboration, and the management of indirect advocacy through trade associations to ensure corporate lobbying supports science-aligned climate policy pathways.

The report finds broad support among U.S. registered voters for various climate policies, including methane limits, carbon dioxide regulation, and renewable energy expansion, though support levels vary significantly by political affiliation. While a majority support the Paris Climate Agreement and the Inflation Reduction Act (after reading a description), actual political advocacy and collective efficacy remain low.

The document examines the uncertainty surrounding the second Trump administration's approach to foreign aid and global security. It highlights a 90-day freeze on all U.S. foreign assistance and the withdrawal from the Paris Climate Agreement and the World Health Organization. The text notes a divide in perception, where populations in BRICS nations are more positive about Trump's presidency for global peace compared to those in the EU and UK, despite an overall increase in global conflicts and expansionist rhetoric regarding territories like Greenland and Panama.

The Council on Strategic Risks warns that the US administration's withdrawal from the Paris Agreement and the revocation of climate-focused executive orders create a 'blind spot' for foreign and security policy. The author asserts that climate hazards continue to threaten critical infrastructure, military readiness, and national security, citing recent wildfires in Los Angeles as an example. The document advocates for a common-sense approach to climate security, highlighting that the US military has deployed nearly 200 times in 12 countries over the last 2.5 years to respond to climate hazards.

The We Mean Business Coalition states that the U.S. withdrawal from the Paris Agreement is a disservice to American businesses and people, as it creates policy instability and allows other economies to attract investment and talent. The Coalition emphasizes that the Paris Agreement remains a cornerstone of global action and that businesses and other nations will continue to pursue clean energy transitions due to economic necessity and climate risks.

The World Resources Institute asserts that the U.S. withdrawal from the Paris Agreement will not stop global climate action but will diminish American political influence and cede a competitive advantage in the green energy economy to China and the European Union. The statement emphasizes that subnational entities and the Inflation Reduction Act will maintain U.S. climate progress.

The text highlights that developing countries will bear 99% of the health burden from climate change and suggests that Peru leverage the Paris Agreement to create policies that simultaneously improve public health and the climate system.

Carbon Market Watch advocates for replacing 'net' climate targets with three distinct targets: gross emissions reductions, biogenic sequestration in natural sinks, and permanent carbon dioxide removals (CDR). The guide explains that 'net' targets often mask a lack of progress in emissions reductions by relying on uncertain or temporary removals. It distinguishes between permanent technical solutions, such as direct air capture and carbon storage (DACCS), and temporary natural solutions like reforestation. The document argues that separate targets prevent 'mitigation deterrence' and provide better governance of the finite resources required for CDR. While some progress is noted in Germany and Sweden, the author urges the European Commission to adopt this three-target approach in its upcoming 2040 climate target proposal.