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The report finds that implementing Africa's NDCs will cost approximately USD 2.8 trillion between 2020 and 2030, with a 'climate finance need' of USD 2.5 trillion after accounting for domestic public commitments. Current annual flows of USD 30 billion cover only about 12% of the required USD 250 billion per year. Mitigation accounts for 66% of needs, heavily skewed toward South Africa's transport sector, while adaptation represents 24%, likely underestimated due to data gaps. The report highlights a significant reliance on public funding (87%) and recommends that the UNFCCC develop standardized guidance and that countries adopt more participatory, bottom-up needs assessments to mobilize private capital.

Analysis of OECD countries between 2007 and 2018 indicates that right-wing populist parties (RWPPs) in power have a significant negative effect on climate policy, though this effect is moderated by European Union membership and the proportionality of the electoral system. No overall significant relationship was found between RWPP representation and renewable energy policy.

The report examines how conspiracy theories regarding the World Economic Forum (WEF) and its 'Great Reset' initiative have permeated Australian politics. It identifies the role of right-wing media, specifically Sky News, in promoting these narratives, which claim the WEF is a 'hidden hand' orchestrating pandemic measures to achieve sinister goals. The document details how these theories transitioned from social media to formal politics through figures like Senator Pauline Hanson and other right-wing politicians, eventually evolving to link the 'Great Reset' to issues such as net zero emissions and housing policy during the 2022 election cycle.

Estonia generates approximately 167,000 tonnes of food waste annually, with food loss (avoidable waste) accounting for 50% of this total. Households are the largest contributors, generating 81,000 tonnes of waste, while the food trade sector has seen a significant increase in unsold food waste. The report highlights that food loss is most prevalent in primary production (82%) and least prevalent in the food industry (10%), with a total estimated annual economic value of €164 million for food loss across the supply chain.

The report finds that while China has a stringent regulatory framework for green bond reporting, actual post-issuance disclosure—particularly regarding environmental impacts—is lower than global averages. UoP reporting is more common than impact reporting, with financial institutions showing higher compliance due to stricter PBoC requirements. The study highlights a unique Chinese reliance on 'fossil fuel savings' as a metric and recommends shifting toward GHG and energy savings to align with international standards. While the quality of impact reporting among those who do report is generally high, the report notes significant inconsistencies across different bond types and regulatory bodies.

The report analyzes the vulnerability of ASEAN economies to climate transition risks, highlighting a significant reliance on fossil fuels for electricity generation. It finds that carbon-intensive sectors represent approximately 25% of corporate bond issuance in the region, with a substantial portion of loans and bonds facing refinancing risks by 2030. The authors argue that current industrial classification systems are inadequate for identifying these risks and recommend that ASEAN central banks develop comprehensive 'green' and 'brown' taxonomies to enhance climate risk disclosures and manage potential asset stranding.

The report analyzes the regulatory disparity between industrial mining and 'garimpo' (artisanal mining) in Brazil, specifically focusing on how cooperatives use the lenient 'Permissão de Lavra Garimpeira' (PLG) to conduct industrial-scale gold mining in the Amazon. It highlights that Presidential Decrees 10.965/2022 and 10.966/2022 further incentivize this by simplifying bureaucracy and providing development support to these cooperatives. Data shows that some cooperatives hold larger mining areas than Vale S.A., yet avoid the rigorous prior mineral research required for industrial concessions, which hinders socio-environmental impact assessments and the fight against financial laundering.

The report analyzes the global state of coal power, noting that while many OECD and non-OECD countries are canceling new projects and setting closure dates, China continues to expand its capacity. It highlights that 750 coal plants (550GW) now have effective closure dates following COP26, but global capacity increased by 18.2GW in 2021 due to Chinese additions. The document argues that 'clean coal' technologies like CCS are expensive and unreliable distractions from a full transition to renewables. Specifically for South Korea, it criticizes the 2050 phase-out goal as lagging behind international standards and notes the continued construction of new plants despite public commitments.

The author examines the electoral impact of government participation for European Green parties, arguing that while simple 'before and after' comparisons often show a drop in vote share, this is frequently a reversion to a party's base performance rather than a punishment for governing. The analysis finds no significant correlation between electoral outcomes and the number of portfolios held, party ideology, or the ideology of coalition partners. However, a strong link is identified between 'defecting' (leaving government early) and poor election results, suggesting that internal divisions and perceived incompetence during premature exits lead to voter punishment.

The report analyzes 2021 renewable energy generation in the continental U.S., estimating a total of 606,000 GWh from wind (73%) and solar (27%). It highlights Texas as the leader in raw wind generation and California in raw solar generation, while also examining generation normalized by land area and population. The document compares these figures against the Net Zero America Project's 2030 target of 2.2 million GWh per year, concluding that while current growth is accelerating, the U.S. needs to nearly double its annual increase in generation to stay on track for net-zero emissions by 2050.

The report finds that global gas-fired power capacity in development (615 GW) now exceeds that of coal (457 GW), representing an estimated US$509 billion in capital expenditure. This expansion is described as ubiquitous across all continents, directly conflicting with the IEA's 1.5°C net-zero pathway. The authors argue that these investments face significant stranded asset risks as clean energy portfolios (CEPs) increasingly outcompete gas on cost, particularly in the US and Australia.

The report finds that while the Brazilian large-scale mining sector is experiencing a process of feminization—with female employment increasing by 127% between 2009 and 2019—significant gender gaps persist in remuneration, leadership representation, and the division of labor. Women in the sector are generally younger and more educated than their male counterparts, often holding advanced degrees even in technical roles, yet they continue to earn less in most occupations. While some companies are implementing Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DE&I) strategies, such as targeted training and adapted uniforms, the report argues that deep-rooted cultural biases and a 'masculinization' of female roles remain primary obstacles to true gender equivalence.

The report examines the status of women in Chile's large-scale mining sector, noting that while female participation grew from 6.16% in 2010 to 10.06% in 2021, the industry remains highly masculinized. It identifies significant gender pay gaps, particularly in cleaning and restaurant services (49.7%) and miner roles (17.9%). The analysis reveals that women are more concentrated in administrative, support, and high-education roles (such as geology) but are severely under-represented in core value chain operations like mechanical and electrical maintenance. Barriers to inclusion include persistent gender stereotypes, lack of suitable infrastructure (e.g., childcare and housing), and sexual harassment. The document also highlights a gap between the number of women graduating from mining-relevant STEM programs and those actually employed in the sector, estimating that only 25% of female professionals and technicians who graduated between 2010 and 2020 were working in mining as of 2021.

The report analyzes the participation of women in Chile's large-scale mining sector, noting an increase in female employment from 6.16% in 2010 to 10.06% in 2021. While there is growth in leadership roles and professional engineering, women remain severely underrepresented in core operational and maintenance roles. Significant gender pay gaps persist, particularly in support services, and women face systemic barriers including sexual harassment, gender stereotypes, and a lack of childcare infrastructure. The document emphasizes that large-scale mines drive the overall increase in female participation, while smaller operations lag behind.

The Stockholm Environment Institute argues that current global efforts are inadequate, highlighting a significant 'production gap' where fossil fuel plans exceed 1.5°C limits. The report emphasizes the need for 'just resilience' in adaptation, the urgent requirement for dedicated loss and damage financing, and the necessity of aligning financial flows with low-emission pathways while ensuring equity for developing nations.

The report examines the role of gender-based violence (GBV) in the coordinated harassment of six celebrities by the QAnon community. Through the analysis of over 9 million posts across Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter, the authors find that while accusations of paedophilia are the primary driver of abuse, gender, race, and sexual orientation significantly amplify the volume and nature of the harassment. Women, particularly women of colour, experience higher rates of targeted hate and gender-specific abuse. The report identifies 'flashpoints'—unrelated negative media events—as catalysts that QAnon adherents leverage to amplify existing conspiracy narratives and coordinate 'brigading' campaigns. The authors argue that the 'paedophile' label serves as a tool for dehumanization, justifying mob justice and creating a persistent baseline of harassment that often extends to the targets' family members.

The research analyzes external voting data from parliamentary and presidential elections for migrants from Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Lithuania, Latvia, Poland, and Romania living in 17 European host countries. It employs the Pedersen index to measure the discrepancy between diaspora and domestic voting results and uses V-dem Party database dimensions to assess ideological differences. The findings generally indicate that diaspora voters are more liberal, less populist, and more economically right-wing than domestic voters, though their voting trends often mirror the dynamics of their countries of origin. The report also notes that the size and influence of these voting blocs are increasing, with the Bulgarian diaspora having the highest relative impact on national election results.

The brief examines gender representation among individuals invited to brief the UN Security Council between 2015 and 2021. While the period remained male-dominated overall, the proportion of male briefers fell from 77% in 2015 to 52% in 2021. Women are more frequently represented when briefing as members of civil society organizations (CSOs) or government institutions, whereas men dominate the UN system and other multilateral organizations. The authors note a positive trend in the consultation of women's CSOs, which have moved from being primarily invited to thematic Women, Peace and Security (WPS) debates to briefing on a wider array of country-specific issues, including Afghanistan, Colombia, the DRC, Libya, and Mali.

The report analyzes global conflict dynamics, noting that state-based conflicts reached historic highs in 2019 and 2020. It highlights the significant role of the Islamic State (IS) in driving conflict numbers and the rise of non-state conflicts, particularly in the Americas and Africa. The document also tracks the declining success rates of non-violent resistance campaigns and the prevalence of conflict-related sexual violence, which is most frequently recorded in Africa.

In 2020, approximately 1.8 million acres of grasslands were converted to cropland across the Great Plains, with 385,000 acres lost in the Northern Great Plains. For the first time since the report's inception, wheat has replaced corn as the primary crop driving this loss across the entire region. While the 2020 conversion rate was lower than the five-year average, nearly 10 million acres have been plowed since 2016. The report highlights policy mechanisms for conservation, including the North American Grasslands Conservation Act and the 2023 Farm Bill, and notes the threat of woody-encroachment as a significant, though separate, driver of grassland loss.