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The document outlines a framework for transitioning African governance toward the 2030 SDGs, emphasizing the need for National Councils for Sustainable Development (NCSDs) and integrated planning. It identifies current gaps, such as poor policy implementation and a dearth of data, and proposes capacity-building strategies and the establishment of Communities of Practice (CoP) to foster knowledge sharing across the continent.

The document argues that African countries must integrate an ecosystem-based approach into economic planning to protect natural assets from pressures like population growth and extractive industries. It advocates for the use of ecological accounting and natural asset pricing to quantify the economic value of ecosystems, which often exceeds the value of their conversion for mining or farming. The brief recommends a multi-level governance system—combining national interdisciplinary coordination with local community co-management—and the adoption of innovative financing like Payment for Ecosystem Services (PES) and Blue Carbon frameworks. It emphasizes the need for rigorous environmental impact assessments (EIAs) and scientific spatial mapping to guide conservation priorities and regulate development in sensitive areas.

The document argues that the Green Climate Fund's Private Sector Facility (PSF) must address specific risk gaps—namely policy and financing risks—to unlock large-scale private capital for climate mitigation and adaptation. It proposes two primary business models: a 'Facilitated Model' acting as a fund-of-funds through intermediaries, and a 'Full-service Model' engaging directly with private actors. The authors emphasize the need for a clear separation between governance and management, suggesting the use of independent due diligence and private sector expertise, potentially through a dedicated Investment Panel, to ensure efficient decision-making and risk management.

The document assesses various voluntary guidelines, principles, and financing mechanisms designed to mitigate the negative impacts of 'land grabs' and promote sustainable rural development. It highlights the roles of the Committee on World Food Security, the African Union, the World Bank, and the OECD, while noting that the primary challenge remains translating these voluntary principles into concrete national reforms and genuine support for small-scale farmers.

The document analyzes the gap between current and ideal governance practices for sustainable development in Asia-Pacific, focusing on multistakeholder processes, vertical and horizontal integration, and monitoring and evaluation. It identifies a prevalence of 'silo' approaches where sustainable development is managed primarily by environment ministries and recommends a comprehensive capacity-building agenda to improve long-term strategic planning, data quality, and subnational implementation.

The document examines the governance of African fisheries, highlighting the tension between wealth generation and the 'welfare function' of small-scale fisheries. It identifies illegal, unregulated, and unreported (IUU) fishing as a major threat, particularly in West Africa, and discusses the transition from centralised governance to co-management systems. While progress is noted in the use of satellite tracking and regional cooperation to combat industrial overfishing, the document emphasizes the need for sustainable, independent co-management structures to protect livelihoods and ecosystems.

The paper identifies critical gaps in Mozambique's environmental licensing for the oil and gas sector, specifically regarding the quality of Environmental Impact Assessments (EIAs), compliance with Environmental Management Plans (EMPs), and post-licensing transparency. It attributes these failures to the limited technical capacity of the Ministry for the Co-ordination of Environmental Affairs (MICOA). To address this without new legislation, the author proposes implementing peer review systems for assessments, establishing Expert Technical Councils (ETCs) for implementation oversight, and adopting biodiversity offsets to achieve no net loss of biodiversity. The author argues that these improvements would benefit the state, local communities, and companies by reducing social conflict and aligning with international financial standards like the Equator Principles.

The African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), established in 2003 to improve governance in member states, has failed to attract significant media attention despite its potential. The document identifies four primary barriers: the bulky and technical nature of Country Review Reports (CRRs), a lack of understanding of the APRM's complex processes among journalists, a media focus on sporadic events rather than the implementation of National Programmes of Action (NPoAs), and inadequate communication strategies from APRM structures. Furthermore, the paper notes that the APRM's self-assessment questionnaires historically neglected media freedom, only introducing a related question in 2011. Case studies from Zambia, South Africa, Mozambique, and Uganda illustrate that while media-friendly packaging (such as traffic light rating systems) can generate interest, coverage remains intermittent and superficial. The authors argue that the media's watchdog role is essential for monitoring NPoA implementation and recommend the adoption of continental and national media strategies, specialized journalist beats, and increased training to bridge the gap between the APRM and the public.

The document examines how the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) facilitates the inclusion of civil society organisations (CSOs) in national governance assessments. While the APRM has helped transform CSOs from adversaries into partners in some countries, the process faces challenges such as 'pro-forma participation', capacity constraints, and a decline in momentum after the publication of Country Review Reports (CRRs). The author recommends that governments involve CSOs directly in monitoring and evaluation and that CSOs develop strategies for sustained policy dialogue and cross-national peer learning.

The report argues that 'sustainable' and 'legal' timber policies in producer and consumer countries are often rudimentary technical responses that fail to address systemic governance flaws, corruption, and human rights violations. In Malaysia, the report highlights a lack of transparency in logging license awards and systemic violations of indigenous customary land rights. In Japan, South Korea, and Australia, the report identifies weaknesses in procurement frameworks, such as a reliance on exporter-provided paperwork and a failure to reduce overall tropical timber consumption. It concludes that without fundamental governance reforms and a reduction in consumption, certification schemes and procurement guidelines remain insufficient to prevent deforestation and social injustice.

The document examines the oil industry in South Sudan following the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement and the country's 2011 independence. It argues that oil revenues have been mismanaged by political elites, leading to endemic corruption and a failure to provide basic services to a population where 90% earn less than a dollar a day. The paper details the economic crisis caused by the January 2012 oil production shutdown, the subsequent austerity measures, and the diplomatic pressure from the US and China that led to the resumption of oil flow in 2013.

The report examines the successful conclusion of Somalia's third transitional arrangement on 20 August 2012. It details the roadmap's four priority tasks—security stabilization, constitutional adoption, reconciliation, and good governance—and the role of the Technical Selection Committee (TSC) in nominating parliament members. Key success factors included international unity, clear task sequencing, and the political maturity of the outgoing leadership. However, the process faced challenges such as bribery, the marginalization of women, and perceptions of international interference. The author argues that sustaining peace requires investing in human resources, resolving constitutional ambiguities regarding sharia and federalism, and better synchronizing AU and UN operations.

The report details the transition of the IAI to a tripartite management scheme with offices in Argentina, Uruguay, and Brazil. While agreements are in place and staff appointed in Argentina and Uruguay, the agreement with Brazil remains under study. Additionally, the report highlights a critical lack of continuity in the Scientific Advisory Committee (SAC) due to unfilled vacancies and expiring mandates, and notes the IAI's participation in the ENSOCIO-LA project and the World Climate Research Programme (WCRP) for America and the Caribbean.

The document examines South Africa's intention to build a fleet of six new nuclear power stations to add 9,600 MW of capacity by 2020. It highlights the drivers of this expansion—including population growth, ageing infrastructure, and climate targets—while raising significant concerns regarding the financial stability of Eskom, the opacity of the tender process, and the rise of resource nationalism concerning uranium. The paper also details South Africa's nuclear diplomacy within Africa and its relations with global nuclear powers like Russia and France.

The paper argues that the EU's current reliance on voluntary certification schemes for biofuels sustainability is insufficient, especially for small-scale producers in developing countries. It proposes the use of bilateral agreements, as permitted by Article 18(4) of the EU-RED, to provide a more flexible, customized, and holistic approach to sustainability verification. Drawing on lessons from the Forest Law Enforcement Governance and Trade (FLEGT) initiative and Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs), the authors suggest that bilateral deals can address institutional weaknesses, reduce non-tariff trade barriers, and mitigate indirect land-use change (ILUC) more effectively than a one-size-fits-all 'meta-standard'.

Carbon Market Watch argues that the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) is facing a market collapse due to low demand and an over-supply of non-additional carbon credits. The organization urges a fundamental reform of additionality requirements, the shortening of crediting periods, and the establishment of human rights standards and grievance mechanisms. It further recommends strengthening civil society participation, addressing conflicts of interest among Designated Operational Entities (DOEs), and improving the governance and codes of conduct of the CDM Executive Board.

The report argues that a universally applied market-based instrument (MBI), specifically a cap-and-trade scheme, is the most effective and politically feasible way to address emissions from international transport. To comply with the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities (CBDR), the report proposes a governance structure where revenues or allowances are selectively disbursed to ensure no net incidence on developing countries. The remaining value would be transferred to the Green Climate Fund and used for fuel-efficiency improvements. The author concludes that an emissions trading system (ETS) is superior to levy-based systems because it avoids being classified as an international tax and does not require the direct funding of an international organisation or the hypothecation of national fiscal revenues.

The report investigates the governance of climate finance in the Global South, arguing that current mechanisms often prioritize mitigation over adaptation and corporate profit over local needs. Through case studies in Africa, Asia, and Latin America, it highlights systemic issues including the 'greenwashing' of industrial activities, the marginalization of indigenous land rights, and a lack of transparency in fund disbursement. The authors advocate for a normative framework based on democratic governance, downward accountability to vulnerable communities, and the separation of public and private funding sources to ensure climate finance addresses actual developmental and environmental needs.

The document examines the surge of foreign investment in African agricultural land and water, driven by demand for food and biofuels. It highlights systemic failures in governance, including the disregard for local land rights, lack of community consultation, and the absence of environmental impact assessments. It argues that the current legal landscape—dominated by investor-centric international treaties and contracts—often undermines local food security and environmental protection. The briefing urges parliamentarians to demand transparency, access to investment contracts, and a role in the ratification and monitoring of these deals to ensure sustainable development and the protection of vulnerable populations, particularly women.

The forestry sector in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) suffers from systemic governance failures, including corruption, institutional incapacity, and a significant gap between policy and practice. Despite a title conversion process that left the country with 80 logging concessions covering less than 20% of forested areas, illegal logging persists due to weak deterrents and state harassment. Local communities are largely marginalized in decision-making and benefit-sharing, often lacking the capacity to negotiate 'cahiers des charges' (social contracts) with logging companies. Financially, the sector contributes only 1% to the national GDP, far below the 5% average for other COMIFAC countries, with tax reforms stalled by officials benefiting from unofficial levies. Strategic threats include the 'Asian rush' of new market players and a rise in informal artisanal exploitation by those whose titles were cancelled.