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The document examines the potential for Mozambique's hydrocarbon wealth to supplant its chronic reliance on foreign aid, particularly from the G19 group of Western donors. While resource revenues could increase government autonomy and shift commercial partnerships toward Asia and South America, the author warns that this may replace aid dependence with a new dependence on foreign capital and technology. The brief highlights risks such as the 'resource curse', rent-seeking, and the limited local economic impact of capital-intensive 'mega-projects', recommending that the government integrate resource strategies with broader development goals and that donors shift from budget support to targeted sectoral funding.

The analysis finds that EVs generally produce lower global warming emissions than average compact gasoline vehicles, though their relative performance against high-efficiency hybrids depends on the regional electricity grid's fuel mix. In 'BEST' regions, EVs outperform 50 mpg hybrids, while in 'GOOD' regions, some hybrids remain a better choice for emissions. Financially, EV owners in 50 major U.S. cities can save between $750 and $1,200 annually in fuel costs when using the lowest-cost electricity plans, with significant additional savings available through time-of-use (TOU) rate plans, particularly in California.

The paper examines the politicized nature of the rice sector in Southeast Asia, where domestic priorities and protectionism often lead to market volatility. It highlights how the 2007–2008 food price crisis drove countries toward insular strategies and 'rice sovereignty'. The authors propose that ASEAN can improve food security by enhancing the ASEAN Food Security Information System (AFSIS) for better transparency and fully actuating the ASEAN Plus Three Emergency Rice Reserve. The document suggests that these cooperative mechanisms can build trust and stability in the international market, providing a more effective alternative to myopic domestic focuses.

The document assesses 'extreme outcomes'—near-catastrophic climate events and socially contingent responses—that are often underrepresented in economic assessments. It identifies key biogeophysical tipping elements, such as the melting of the Greenland and West Antarctic ice sheets, and evaluates their potential to trigger severe economic losses and social instability. A high-end sea level rise scenario of 1.65m by the 2080s is estimated to cost approximately $1 trillion per year and displace millions. The brief also explores the nexus of climate change, state fragility, and forced migration, particularly in South Asia and Bangladesh, arguing that these 'wicked problems' require multiple lines of evidence and a shift toward building resilience rather than simple prediction.

The Union of Concerned Scientists identifies systemic policy barriers that prevent U.S. farmers from increasing the production of fruits and vegetables. Current federal subsidies favor non-perishable commodity crops, while sustainable and diversified farms struggle with a lack of accessible crop insurance and credit. The report recommends eliminating planting restrictions, improving whole-farm-revenue insurance, and expanding micro-lending to support local food systems and public health.

The report examines the potential of sugar cane bioenergy to improve rural livelihoods, reduce greenhouse gas emissions, and decrease fossil fuel imports in Southern and Eastern Africa. Drawing on experiences from Brazil and India, it asserts that sugar cane is a highly efficient global resource that requires increased investment, technology transfer, and international cooperation to support regional economic competitiveness and sustainable development.

The report examines how the growth of distributed energy resources (DERs), particularly rooftop solar PV, disrupts traditional utility business models in California. It argues that existing volumetric rate structures and net energy metering (NEM) create economic misalignments and cost shifts from solar adopters to non-adopters. To resolve this, the authors propose three building blocks: improving the measurement of DER costs and benefits, implementing pricing models that reflect the actual value of energy based on time and location, and adapting utility business models toward either an 'incentive regulation' or 'network utility' approach.

The document examines the economic implications of increasing the United Kingdom's biofuel blending mandate from 4-5 per cent to 10-15 per cent to comply with the EU's Renewable Energy Directive. It investigates various cost drivers, including government administration of the Renewable Transport Fuel Obligation, agricultural subsidies under the CAPs Single Payment Scheme, potential tax revenue losses from biofuel exemptions, and increased consumer prices and engine damage.

The policy brief argues that foreign direct investment (FDI) does not automatically guarantee economic growth or job creation in South Africa. While FDI can offer benefits like skill transfers and market access, the author notes that certain types, such as retail investment by giants like Walmart, may displace local manufacturers and small businesses. The document highlights a decline in FDI flows to South Africa between 2009 and 2010, but suggests this is not necessarily negative if the focus shifts toward strengthening domestic manufacturing capacity and public infrastructure to build long-term economic confidence.

The document details a 2011 conference on India-Africa relations, highlighting the shift toward South-South co-operation and the potential for shared economic growth. It examines the role of the private sector, specifically the success of Indian firms in South Africa compared to Chinese firms, and discusses strategic cooperation in energy, pharmaceuticals, and security. The report also addresses global governance reforms, including the push for permanent seats on the UN Security Council for India and African nations, and the economic nature of climate change negotiations.

The report argues that the EU ETS has failed as a driver for investment due to a surplus of emission allowances and collapsed prices, which are currently below €10/tCO2. To address this, the author proposes a three-part strategy: the set-aside of allowances to recalibrate the system, the implementation of a rising reserve price on auctions to create a price floor, and accelerated negotiations for post-2020 strategies. The document emphasizes that no single measure is sufficient to restore the strategic context needed for the estimated €1,000bn in energy system investments required over the coming decade.

The document analyzes how the European Union has integrated New Member States (NMS) into its climate framework through various effort-sharing mechanisms. It highlights the systemic economic and energy divergences between the EU15 and NMS, such as higher energy intensity and coal dependence in the East. The report examines the evolution of target distribution from the Kyoto Protocol and the EU ETS Phase II to the 2008 Climate and Energy Package, concluding that while centralized governance and GDP-based redistribution have improved fairness and ambition, they have often come at the cost of economic efficiency and domestic sovereignty over energy mixes.

The Zambia–China Cooperation Zone (ZCCZ), comprising the Chambishi and Lusaka East subsections, is China's first economic and trade co-operation zone in Africa. While it has attracted significant investment, primarily in copper smelting, the project faces critical implementation hurdles including poor surrounding infrastructure, a lack of regulatory frameworks for local content and technology transfer, and labour disputes stemming from differing work cultures. The document argues that for the ZCCZ to succeed, both Chinese investors and Zambian authorities must increase transparency and develop a cohesive industrial strategy that integrates local entrepreneurs.

The document analyzes Nigeria's multifaceted relationships with Brazil, Russia, India, and China, highlighting a pattern where Nigeria leverages its oil and gas resources to secure infrastructural development and technical cooperation. While diplomatic and trade ties are strong—particularly with India and China—the paper notes significant friction regarding the quality of Chinese goods, the treatment of workers by Indian and Chinese employers, and the failure of some BRIC entities to honor infrastructure commitments in exchange for oil blocks. It also details the strategic rivalry among the BRICs to capture Nigeria's market, noting that India's linguistic and historical advantages contrast with China's superior financial muscle.

The report argues that the Levy and Vogtle nuclear projects carry significant financial risks for ratepayers and taxpayers due to potential cost escalations and delays. It finds that both Florida and Georgia could meet their projected energy demand growth more cost-effectively through aggressive energy efficiency targets and the development of renewable energy resources, which are presented as lower-risk and lower-cost alternatives to the Westinghouse AP1000 reactor design.

The Sicomines agreement is a multibillion-dollar barter deal where a Chinese joint venture (Sicomines) received mining titles in the DRC's Katanga Province in exchange for constructing transport and social infrastructure funded by China Exim Bank loans. Originally signed in 2007 and renegotiated in 2009, the deal reflects a shift in global political economy and China's consolidated role as a foreign policy actor. The 2009 amendments, which reduced the infrastructure component to a maximum of $3 billion and removed the Congolese state guarantee for mining investments, aligned the agreement with the preferences of the IMF and World Bank. This shift was driven partly by China's own ambition to take a more active role within the IMF. While the investment benefits the DRC's mining sector, the ultimate value of the deal depends on the pricing and monitoring of the infrastructure projects, managed by the Congolese Agency for Public Works (ACGT).

The paper examines the rise of emerging powers, specifically the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa), and their impact on global leadership and norms. It argues that the 'decline of the West' is exaggerated, as emerging powers often emulate Western modernity and liberal economic reforms. The author critiques the BRICS forum as a 'political club' lacking a unifying agenda and suggests that South Africa's membership is a 'strategic blunder'. Instead, the paper recommends that South Africa develop a rigorous commercial diplomacy approach to leverage economic opportunities within Africa and engage emerging powers on a bilateral basis to navigate 'institutional voids' such as corruption and bureaucratic inefficiency.

The document examines the liberalisation of India's service sector since 1991, focusing on telecommunications, banking, higher education, and retail distribution. It finds that while liberalisation has driven significant GDP growth and export increases, the pace and success vary by subsector due to regulatory hurdles, political will, and stakeholder conflicts. The paper emphasizes that successful liberalisation requires strong regulatory frameworks and enforcement capacity, noting that India's multilateral commitments often lag behind its autonomous domestic reforms.

The document argues that increasing South African exports requires a dual focus on increasing the number of exporting firms and the volume each firm exports. It identifies that South African exporters are typically larger, more capital-intensive, and more productive than non-exporters, with a size threshold for successful export entry generally between 50 and 100 employees. High transport costs—specifically road transport and port charges—are cited as significant barriers to international competitiveness. The author recommends reducing these costs, encouraging firm growth to reach the necessary scale, and utilizing export processing zones (EPZs) to trial regulatory relaxations in labour and tax policy.

The document examines Angola's pragmatic foreign policy towards the BRIC nations following the 2002 Luena Peace Accord. It details how Angola utilizes different strengths of each partner—such as China's infrastructure credit, Brazil's educational ties, Russia's technical expertise in diamonds and energy, and India's technical capacity in rail and gas—to reconstruct its economy and diversify away from oil dependence.