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The study finds that in eight of the nine researched EU Member States, there are no instances of NGOs bringing actions against State aid measures. It highlights a systemic lack of standing for non-competitors, limited transparency regarding aid schemes, and inconsistent public consultation practices, which collectively hinder the enforcement of EU environmental law in State aid matters.

The policy brief examines four international models of clean growth financing to provide lessons for Canada's transition to carbon neutrality by 2050. It highlights Australia's Clean Energy Finance Corporation for its dual focus on profitability and emissions reduction, the UK's contracts for difference for effective risk-sharing in renewable energy, Norway's Longship project for its holistic state support of carbon capture and storage, and the US Inflation Reduction Act's use of tax credits tied to carbon intensity and social standards for hydrogen production.

The report finds that green bonds in EUR and USD generally outperformed vanilla equivalents in H2 2022, exhibiting higher book cover and greater spread compression. While the incidence of an outright 'greenium' (pricing inside the yield curve) decreased due to macroeconomic volatility, green bonds still achieved relatively tighter pricing than matched vanilla pairs. Approximately 67% of these bonds were allocated to green or responsible investors. The report also notes a trend of auto manufacturers increasing their use of green labels and a net growth of 11.2% in green bond ETF assets.

The report argues that Canada cannot reach its 2050 net-zero goals through energy transitions alone, as material extraction and processing account for a significant portion of global emissions. It identifies key opportunities in the steel, cement, plastics, and organic waste sectors, emphasizing that reducing primary demand and extending product lifespans offer greater emission reductions than recycling alone. The document highlights the lack of comprehensive national circularity plans in Canada compared to leaders like Japan and the EU, and recommends implementing digital product passports, carbon pricing, and updated building codes to accelerate the transition.

The report argues that transitioning from a "take, make, waste" economy to a circular one is essential for Canada to meet its climate targets, as energy transitions alone cannot address emissions from resource extraction and material use. It identifies significant emissions-reduction opportunities in the metals, construction, plastics, and food sectors, while noting that Canada is currently at a nascent stage of implementation compared to leaders like Japan and the European Union. The document emphasizes that 'upstream' measures—such as demand suppression, product life extension, and smarter design—offer greater climate benefits than downstream recycling. It highlights critical barriers in Canada, including opaque material flow data, regulatory hurdles for recycled aggregates, and a lack of comprehensive national circularity goals. The report recommends that Canada develop a formal roadmap, integrate circularity into its Nationally Determined Contributions, and utilize tools like carbon pricing and green public procurement to incentivize the shift.

Based on a study of 153 interviews in Colombia, Guatemala, and Nepal, the document finds that female ex-combatants who reintegrate collectively are more socially and politically active than those who reintegrate individually. Collective reintegration helps women maintain the progressive gender relations experienced within certain armed groups, providing security, economic support, and childcare that facilitate leadership and political participation. The author notes that the UN Integrated Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration Standards (IDDRS) currently neglect collective reintegration in favor of breaking down command structures, and recommends that the UN explicitly include it as a viable alternative to improve post-conflict gender equality.

The report maps climate change adaptation efforts in five European countries—Finland, Germany, the UK, Sweden, and Austria—commissioned by the Norwegian Environment Agency. While all five nations have worked systematically on adaptation since the early 2000s, they have developed distinct structures and processes for planning, execution, and evaluation. The study specifically examines governance, policy frameworks, climate risk assessment scopes, and the systems used for reporting and evaluating adaptation at national and sub-national levels.

The document analyzes the U.S. Inflation Reduction Act's (IRA) use of investment and production tax credits to incentivize clean hydrogen, defining 'clean' as producing less than 4 kg CO2e per kg of hydrogen. It evaluates the strengths of these credits—such as mobilizing private capital and driving down costs—alongside limitations like public budget constraints and potential inflationary pressures. The analysis provides recommendations for Canada, suggesting that domestic policy should integrate Canada's carbon price, prioritize performance metrics, and support the broader hydrogen ecosystem to maintain international competitiveness.

The analysis argues that the UK's economic insecurity is rooted in neoliberalism, which prioritizes individual resilience over collective security. This is evidenced by underinvestment in public infrastructure, the sale of 2.5 million social houses between 1979 and 2022, and a lack of energy storage (four days compared to France's fourteen). In contrast, Finland's approach to housing, energy, and social policy—including a 'housing first' strategy and a basic income pilot—is presented as a model for restoring public confidence and wellbeing. The authors suggest that a cost-neutral universal basic income of approximately £60 per week for single adults could more than halve child and pensioner poverty in the UK.

The report examines the direct and indirect benefits of energy efficiency (EE), such as reduced greenhouse gas emissions and increased industrial competitiveness. It details various international policy mechanisms—including regulation, market instruments, and fiscal policies—and evaluates their application in countries like Canada, China, and the EU. The document concludes that while Brazil has established several EE programs, it faces challenges such as fragmented governance and a lack of alignment between industrial and energy policies.

The document analyzes the role of women in Mozambique's conflicts and the subsequent DDR processes. It contrasts the 1992 program, which largely ignored female combatants, with the 2019 program, which expanded benefits to families and communities but still excluded women from the design and negotiation phases. The authors argue that failing to include female ex-combatants as active agents in peace processes undermines the transformative potential of DDR and risks exacerbating gender inequalities.

The document argues that current debt management frameworks used by the IMF and World Bank are insufficient and often counterproductive, contributing to a 'New Debt Crisis' in Africa. It highlights that Africa's total debt reached US$1.13 trillion by 2024, with a shift toward costlier non-concessional loans from private creditors and China. The analysis finds that tools like the Debt Sustainability Framework (DSF) rely on faulty premises, ignoring national assets and human rights obligations while promoting austerity. The brief concludes with recommendations for a UN-led debt workout mechanism, improved transparency, and the establishment of an African Financial Stability Mechanism.

The analysis reveals that only 24% of the 67 sampled countries demonstrated a climate risk responsive recovery. A significant paradox was identified: a country's income level was a stronger determinant of whether it used COVID-19 funds for adaptation than its actual climate vulnerability. High-income countries were more likely to integrate physical climate risks into their recovery plans, while the most vulnerable countries were the least likely to do so, with only Kenya and Vanuatu among the 20 most vulnerable countries approving explicit adaptation actions. Most responsive measures focused on water resources management, disaster prevention, infrastructure, and nature-based solutions, primarily targeting drought and flooding.

The document analyzes the gap between the formal legal recognition of climate justice and its practical application in Africa's mining and petroleum sectors. It highlights systemic failures in enforcement, the limitations of current judicial and administrative sanctions, and the marginalization of local communities. The report advocates for a shift toward 'active' judiciaries, the adoption of specific climate laws, and the strengthening of corporate due diligence to protect vulnerable populations from the environmental and social impacts of extractive activities.

The document analyzes the role of women in Mozambique's conflicts and their subsequent treatment in DDR programs. It argues that while the 2019 Maputo Accord's DDR process is more inclusive than the 1992 program due to a three-pillar approach (individual, family, and community), women remain recipients of support rather than decision-makers. The authors highlight a persistent lack of female representation in peace negotiations and DDR design, which they argue undermines the transformative potential of these processes.

The report identifies that Canada's federal adaptation governance is currently 'weak' and fragmented, primarily operating at the director general level with limited connection to senior decision-makers. It argues that the upcoming National Adaptation Strategy (NAS) provides a critical opportunity to revitalize this structure. The authors suggest several options for improvement, including establishing a dedicated DM-level committee for adaptation, creating a formal legal mandate through legislation, and developing a specialized knowledge-brokering unit. The report emphasizes that success depends on sufficient funding, senior-level leadership, and a deeper understanding of the distinct characteristics of adaptation compared to climate mitigation and emergency management.

The report examines the impact of housing commodification in European cities, contrasting the neoliberal policies of the UK and Germany with the social housing models of Vienna, France, and Barcelona. It highlights how public investment and political commitment to housing as a human right, rather than a market asset, lead to lower rent burdens and better urban quality of life.

The document examines the legal mechanics of shareholder climate resolutions in Asia, detailing jurisdiction-specific requirements for filing, voting thresholds, and the role of company charter documents. It highlights a general trend toward increased ESG consciousness and regulatory focus on net-zero transitions in the region, while noting that legal landscapes vary significantly between countries.

The document assesses the state of green public procurement (GPP) in Estonia and Poland, highlighting that while both countries recognize the potential for GPP to reduce emissions in road transport and construction, implementation is hindered by a lack of mandatory requirements, insufficient procurer knowledge, and inadequate monitoring. It details national targets, governance structures, and the role of EU directives in shaping procurement practices in both Member States.

The study compares climate finance coordination in Kenya and Zambia, finding that political factors—including power dynamics, vested interests, and framings of finance—significantly hinder coordination efforts. The authors argue that achieving genuine country ownership requires a critical examination of these internal political struggles.