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The report finds that Native American communities are more likely to live within a half-mile of oil and gas facilities than the general population of their encompassing states, leading to disproportionate exposure to methane, volatile organic compounds, and toxic air pollutants. This impact is exacerbated by high poverty rates and lack of health insurance, which limit housing options and access to medical care for conditions like asthma. Specifically, the analysis highlights the Navajo Nation, the Northern Ute (Uintah-Ouray), and the Fort Berthold Indian Reservation as areas of significant risk.

The document presents a comprehensive dataset of iron and zinc concentrations in wheat and corn flours, including fortified and non-fortified samples. It details the brand, producer, and specific iron sources (such as ferrous fumarate, ferrous sulphate, and electrolytic iron) for products across multiple Mexican states and imported brands.

The Climate Policy Initiative finds that while sufficient capital exists to meet Germany's renewable energy expansion goals, the specific mix of investors and the design of regulations are critical for cost-efficiency. Key regulatory areas include auction design, support mechanisms, and long-term targets. The report highlights that instability or poor design—such as delays in auction rounds or shorter support periods—can significantly increase bid prices and overall costs. It also emphasizes the need for energy market flexibility to avoid negative electricity prices and investor risk.

An analysis of PoA 10471, a cookstove project in Myanmar transitioning to the Article 6.4 mechanism, indicates that the project is likely to issue 7.2 times more credits than justified based on literature-based adjustments. The analysis, applying the Gill-Wiehl (2024) methodology, identifies several factors contributing to this over-crediting, with 'stacking' (2.63x) and 'usage' (1.96x) being the most significant drivers across both analyzed batches of component project activities.

The analysis finds that PoA 10415 is likely to issue 26.33 times more credits than it should have across monitoring periods 5, 6, and 7. This over-crediting is driven by multiple factors, with the fraction of non-renewable biomass (fNRB) contributing a factor of 2.94 and fuel stacking contributing 2.19. The project, based in Myanmar, is transitioning from the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) to the Article 6.4 mechanism of the Paris Agreement.

The document provides statistical data on climate change psychological distress among American adults, using the GAD-2 and PHQ-2 scales. It finds that 3% of the total U.S. population meets the cut-off for clinically diagnosable climate anxiety and 3% for climate depression. Hispanic/Latino adults show the highest rates of distress, with 17% experiencing some level of climate change psychological distress and 21% expressing interest in discussing their feelings with a counselor or therapist.

The data indicates that individuals experiencing psychological distress about global warming are significantly more likely to have taken climate actions in the past year, express willingness to take future actions, and discuss the issue with others compared to those experiencing no distress.

The document provides data on collective political efficacy in the United States, measuring the confidence of various demographic and political groups in their ability to affect federal government action on global warming. Key findings show that confidence varies significantly by political affiliation, ethnicity, and the frequency of social discourse on the topic, with Democrats and Hispanic/Latino respondents reporting higher confidence than Republicans and White respondents.

In 2021, wind and solar power reached a record 10.3% of global electricity generation, with total clean energy accounting for 38%. However, a 5.4% surge in global electricity demand—driven largely by economic growth in Asia—led to a record increase in coal power, which grew by 9.0% to reach 10,042 TWh. Consequently, power sector CO2 emissions rose by 7% in 2021, the largest percentage increase since 2010, surpassing pre-pandemic levels.

Global Witness reports that 196 land and environmental defenders were murdered in 2023, bringing the total since 2012 to 2,106. The report highlights Latin America as the most dangerous region, with Colombia recording the highest number of deaths. It identifies mining as the primary sector linked to these killings and details a global trend of 'judicial harassment' and restrictive anti-protest laws in the UK, US, and EU. The document emphasizes the disproportionate targeting of Indigenous peoples and calls for the implementation of the Escazú Agreement and better corporate due diligence.

The report analyzes how disinformation actors, including right-wing influencers and AfD politicians, targeted the Green Party during the 2022 gas crisis. Using a dataset of over 1.2 million Twitter posts, the study finds that the Greens were mentioned more than twice as often as any other party, frequently as targets of narratives that blamed them for energy shortages while ignoring Russia's role in the crisis. Key narrative clusters identified include claims that the stop of Nord Stream 2 was an ideological act, that the gas levy was a 'war declaration' against the people, and that Minister Robert Habeck was implementing a 'planned economy' to force a climate agenda.

The fact sheet highlights a growing trend of incorporating nature-based solutions (NbS) and ecosystem-based adaptation (EbA) into National Adaptation Plans (NAPs). While most NAPs identify biodiversity and ecosystems as priority sectors and a high percentage link climate change to biodiversity loss, there is a gap in referencing national biodiversity strategies. The document provides data on the specific ecosystems and types of actions (such as sustainable management and restoration) most frequently mentioned in NAPs and suggests action points to improve coordination and investment in under-represented ecosystems.

The report examines taxation in Cameroon, Mozambique, and South Africa, analyzing how formal institutional designs and informal state-society relations affect revenue collection and development. It finds that while technical reforms (like VAT and semi-autonomous revenue authorities) have increased some revenues, deep-seated perceptions of taxation as a colonial tool of oppression, combined with widespread corruption and a lack of transparency, severely undermine tax morale and voluntary compliance across all three nations.

The research argues that the 'unitary actor assumption' in civil war studies overlooks the critical role of internal fragmentation. By analyzing self-determination movements from 1960 to 2005, the author finds that movements with more internal factions are significantly more likely to experience the onset of civil war and to remain in active conflict. This is attributed to the fact that multiple factions create uncertainty for states regarding the movement's preferences and capabilities, and make it difficult for any single faction to provide a credible commitment to a settlement.

The study finds that women living near ASM sites in Eastern DRC are more likely to experience both intimate partner sexual violence and sexual violence by others. This risk is particularly acute for women in North Kivu, South Kivu, and Maniema living near mines controlled by armed actors.

The research argues that terrorism creates a 'window of opportunity' for military actors to increase their political influence without seizing full state control. It identifies two primary mechanisms: a 'pulling' effect, where civilian authorities demand military expertise to combat threats, and a 'pushing' effect, where the military exploits informational advantages to advance its own interests. Using global panel data from 1984 to 2004, the authors find that both actual domestic terror attacks and the perceived probability of aggregate terrorism are positively associated with higher levels of military involvement in politics.

The document argues that ethno-nationalist violence is driven by structural relations between ethnic groups and governments rather than simple demographic diversity. Using the Ethnic Power Relations (EPR) and GeoEPR datasets, the research demonstrates that groups excluded from executive power, particularly those who recently lost power, face a significantly higher risk of civil war. Additionally, horizontal inequality—where a group is either significantly poorer or wealthier than the national average—increases the probability of conflict. The text suggests power-sharing or partition as potential solutions to these entrenched conflicts.

The review finds a general scholarly consensus that higher levels of education have a pacifying effect on civil conflict, though this relationship is complex and varies by the type of violence. While low education is often linked to recruitment in civil wars, higher education levels are frequently observed among terrorists and genocide perpetrators. The authors highlight that inter-group educational inequalities—particularly along ethnic and religious lines—significantly increase conflict risks, whereas rapid expansions in tertiary education do not appear to drive destabilization. The document concludes that while education generally promotes peace, its impact is mediated by factors such as regime type, gender equality, and the specific nature of the political violence.

The research examines why some ethnopolitical movements are fragmented while others are unified, using a dataset of self-determination movements and a case study of Punjab, India. The authors find that competitive dynamics—specifically state repression, the accommodation of demands, the onset of civil war, and diversifying political demands—significantly increase movement fragmentation. While transnational factors like foreign fighters and mediation also contribute to division during wartime, structural factors such as linguistic sub-cleavages and geographic dispersion showed no significant correlation. The Punjab case study illustrates how events like Operation Bluestar and the failed Rajiv-Longowal Accord triggered proliferation of militant and political organizations.

The research employs two survey experiments with Japanese participants to test the application of group threat theory to international relations. The findings indicate that Japanese individuals adopt more hardline attitudes toward territorial and historical disputes with South Korea specifically when they perceive Japan's economic power is declining relative to South Korea's rising economy. The study concludes that this effect is triggered by the relative shift in economic power rather than the absolute decline of the ingroup or the rise of the outgroup alone.