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The report critiques the 'corporate capture' of agroecology by three major global initiatives: the Sustainable Agriculture Initiative (SAI), the New Vision for Agriculture (NVA), and the Coalition for Food, Land and Use (FOLU). It contends that these entities promote a version of 'junk agroecology' that focuses on 'sustainable intensification' and technological fixes—such as big data, blockchain, and genomic editing—rather than the holistic, social, and political transformation central to genuine agroecology. The authors argue that these initiatives aim to 'transform small farms into sustainable agro-industries' to integrate smallholders into global value chains controlled by multinationals, thereby maintaining systemic inequalities and the dominance of industrial agriculture.

The Centre for Environmental Rights (CER) has written to Minister Gwede Mantashe seeking clarification on two draft determinations for new generation capacity. The CER questions whether the Minister has conducted or intends to conduct public participation as required for administrative actions affecting the public. Additionally, the CER seeks to determine if the proposed 1500 MW coal capacity allocation includes the 900 MW already appointed to 'preferred bidder' projects Thabametsi and Khanyisa, which would leave only 600 MW of new capacity available.

The document criticizes the European Central Bank (ECB) for implementing coronavirus relief measures that primarily benefit large, polluting companies and banks rather than small businesses and households. It highlights that quantitative easing and loan facilities lack criteria to target the most vulnerable and fail to account for carbon impacts or climate risks in collateral. Additionally, the author argues that the relaxation of prudential rules and the postponement of European stress tests weaken financial risk prevention and increase the systemic risk posed by carbon assets.

Reclaim Finance argues that the ECB's emergency measures to combat the coronavirus crisis—specifically quantitative easing, targeted loans, and the easing of prudential rules—primarily benefit large, polluting companies and banks. The organization contends that these measures lack mechanisms to support small businesses and households and fail to account for carbon risks in collateral or capital requirements, thereby increasing the risk of a systemic financial crisis linked to climate change.

CEO Glenn Hurowitz asserts that destructive practices like forest clearing by agribusiness and the illegal wildlife trade increase human contact with wild animals, fueling pandemics. He advocates for increased conservation funding and the removal of deforestation links in food supply chains. Additionally, he criticizes the US Senate stimulus package for providing approximately $50 billion in airline bailouts without requiring carbon neutrality, arguing that crisis funding should not subsidize polluters or lock in destructive business models.

SAFTU criticizes the South African state's COVID-19 response as 'tokenistic,' arguing that the R12 billion stimulus (0.23% of GDP) is inadequate compared to global responses. The statement calls for emergency taxation of the rich, a Basic Income Grant, and the appropriation of private facilities for public use. It warns that a security-focused lockdown without adequate income security for informal and unemployed workers could lead to political catastrophe.

The document argues that central banks, particularly the European Central Bank (ECB), are failing to address the climate emergency despite their power to influence the financing of polluting versus green activities. It claims the ECB actively supports polluters through collateral frameworks and Quantitative Easing, which benefit fossil fuel and coal companies. While noting a growing awareness within the NGFS and the Banque de France, the text demands an immediate end to the financing of climate-destructive assets to ensure financial stability and meet European climate goals.

ClientEarth challenges the planned Belgian capacity mechanism (Planned CM), asserting that it lacks a complete design and fails to demonstrate a genuine resource adequacy concern. The organisation argues that the scheme would unfairly favour gas capacity, contradicting EU objectives to phase out environmentally harmful subsidies and hindering decarbonisation. It further contends that the Belgian electricity market's resilience and the availability of less distortive alternatives, such as strategic reserves and market reforms, render a market-wide capacity mechanism unnecessary. ClientEarth also warns that the Planned CM could strengthen the market dominance of existing oligopolistic players and lacks sufficient preference mechanisms for low-carbon resources.

The Clean Air Task Force (CATF) opposes a supplemental proposed rule by the US Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) that would restrict the use of scientific information not available to the public. CATF argues the rule is an 'unlawful abuse of Agency discretion' that jeopardizes the privacy of study participants and undermines the agency's mandate under statutes like the Clean Air Act. The organization specifically criticizes the expansion of the rule to cover all 'influential scientific information', asserting that environmental policy must be based on science rather than policy priorities.

The document opposes converting coal power plants in Réunion to biomass, citing higher direct CO2 emissions, carbon debt from forest harvesting, and risks to biodiversity and food security. It argues that importing massive quantities of biomass pellets—estimated at 900,000 tonnes per year for the Bois-Rouge and Le Gol plants—contradicts France's 2015 energy transition law regarding overseas energy autonomy and suggests prioritizing solar and wind energy instead.

Carbon Market Watch argues that while the proposed EU state aid guidelines for indirect cost compensation under the EU ETS show improvement by reducing eligible sectors and requiring energy efficiency investments, they remain insufficient. The author contends that there is no evidence of carbon leakage to justify these subsidies, which cost nearly 1.2 billion Euros between 2017 and 2018, and argues that EU ETS auctioning revenues should be used entirely for carbon neutrality rather than being returned to industry.

The Life After Coal campaign, comprising the Centre for Environmental Rights (CER), groundWork, and Earthlife Africa Johannesburg, submitted formal objections on 29 January 2020 to Eskom's applications for alternative emission limits at the Medupi and Matimba power stations. The campaign argues that the applications are procedurally and substantively unlawful, violate the South African Constitution and environmental laws, and rely on a flawed air quality modelling approach in a priority area already suffering from poor air quality.

Friends of the Earth International assesses the draft post-2020 Global Biodiversity Framework, acknowledging some progress in governance but condemning the lack of corporate accountability, the absence of indigenous rights, and the promotion of 'false solutions' like biodiversity offsetting. The organization calls for a systemic shift that addresses the root causes of biodiversity loss and ensures equity between the Global North and South.

Friends of the Earth International highlights the devastating impacts of climate change through the lens of simultaneous disasters in the Asia-Pacific region: catastrophic bushfires in Australia and severe flooding in Indonesia. The statement condemns the Australian government for denying the role of climate change and continuing to support coal extraction despite massive loss of life, biodiversity, and property. It calls for a global transition away from fossil fuels, increased funding for adaptation and loss and damage in developing countries, and a broader movement for climate justice.

The document consists of three open letters from members of the US National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine. The 2025 statement warns that the US scientific enterprise is being 'decimated' by the Trump administration through funding cuts, censorship, and the removal of public access to data. It highlights a 'climate of fear' where researchers remove terms like 'climate change' from papers to avoid funding risks. The 2018 and 2016 letters specifically address the dangers of human-caused climate change and criticize the US withdrawal from the Paris Agreement, asserting that climate change is a 'physical reality' and that the US risks losing its global leadership and economic edge by ignoring scientific evidence.

The document examines the Covid-19 pandemic as a systemic shock that exposed deep inequalities and the fragility of market-driven systems. It explores the intersection of public health and biodiversity loss, the role of the welfare state versus authoritarian and populist models, the digital divide in urban centers, and the disproportionate impact of the crisis on marginalized groups, including migrant workers and the elderly. The text advocates for a 'green recovery' that prioritizes a 'foundational economy' of basic needs over growth, promotes digital inclusion as a human right, and recognizes the link between environmental degradation and zoonotic disease emergence.

The document examines the evolution of political ecology, arguing for a shift from growth-based economic models to a 'social-ecological state' that prioritizes wellbeing and justice. It analyzes the electoral successes and challenges of Green parties across Europe—specifically in Germany, Finland, Sweden, Belgium, Ireland, Spain, and Poland—and discusses the 'Green New Deal' in the USA. Key themes include the intersection of climate action with feminism, labor rights, and geopolitics, while critiquing the 'green growth' and 'decoupling' narratives of the European Green Deal.

The Clean Air Task Force argues that the EPA's 2020 RFS regulations fail to meet the goals of the Energy Independence and Security Act of 2007 by prioritizing food-based biofuels over advanced and cellulosic alternatives. The organization highlights that the 2020 mandate for advanced biofuels was reduced to 25% (5.04 billion gallons) and cellulosic biofuels to less than 3% (0.54 billion gallons) of a revised 20-billion-gallon total, leading to habitat loss and negative climate impacts.

The Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL) argues that for the European Green Deal to establish the EU as a global environmental leader, it must adopt a human rights-based and gender-responsive approach that prevents the export of environmental impacts and avoids substituting one form of pollution for another, such as through toxic recycling or increased plastic incineration.

The document argues that the Climate Bonds Initiative's (CBI) proposed hydropower criteria are insufficient and risk channeling climate finance toward projects that harm biodiversity and human rights. It specifically criticizes CBI's reliance on the International Hydropower Association (IHA) for assessment tools, claiming this creates a conflict of interest and underestimates greenhouse gas emissions, particularly methane from tropical reservoirs.