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The report finds that South Africa's energy fiscal policies are largely misaligned with its climate goals, with fossil fuel subsidies totaling ZAR 172 billion in FY 2020/21. These subsidies, particularly Eskom bailouts and carbon tax exemptions, outweigh the ZAR 100.5 billion in fossil fuel revenues. The social costs of fossil fuel combustion—estimated at a minimum of ZAR 550 billion annually—far exceed both revenues and subsidies. While the Renewable Energy Independent Power Producer Procurement Programme (REIPPPP) has successfully lowered renewable energy costs, investment has been hindered by political opposition and Eskom's financial instability. The report recommends tying bailouts to transition reforms, phasing out carbon tax exemptions, and using fossil fuel tax revenues to support vulnerable households and a just transition.

The report evaluates nine financing options for a Universal Basic Income Guarantee (UBIG) in South Africa, focusing on progressive tax measures. Key proposals include a Social Security Tax, a Resource Rent Tax, and the selective removal of tax credits for high earners. The analysis finds that a UBIG aligned with the Food Poverty Line (FPL) for 60% of the population could be fully financed by these measures. The report also models the impact of different implementation speeds on South Africa's national debt and primary balance, suggesting that the FPL grant is the most fiscally feasible over the medium term.

The report uses the GSI-IF model to analyze 32 countries, representing 77% of global CO2 emissions, to determine the impact of removing fossil fuel subsidies and implementing a 10% fossil energy tax by 2030. It finds that subsidy reform alone could save nearly USD 3 trillion and abate 5.4 GtCO2e, while combining reform with taxation and sustainable energy investment could increase average emission reductions from 6% to 11.8% by 2030.

The document proposes a suite of financing mechanisms to fund a Universal Basic Income Guarantee (UBIG) in South Africa, focusing on progressive taxation and the reduction of government waste. Key proposals include a ring-fenced Social Security Tax, a Resource Rent Tax on extractive industries, and a wealth tax for the top 1% of the population. The brief argues that many UBIG scenarios, particularly those aligned with national poverty lines, are immediately affordable without borrowing if these revenue-generating measures and VAT recoupments are implemented.

The Institute for Economic Justice proposes a suite of financing mechanisms to fund a Universal Basic Income Guarantee (UBIG) in South Africa, focusing on progressive taxation and the reduction of government waste. Key proposals include a ring-fenced Social Security Tax (SST) with rates between 1.5% and 3%, a Resource Rent Tax on extractive industries, and the selective removal of tax deductions for high-income earners regarding pension funds and medical aid. The brief also suggests implementing a 25% luxury VAT, a wealth tax for the top 1% and 0.1%, and a Financial Transactions Tax (FTT) of 0.1%. Additionally, it argues for the cancellation of the Employment Tax Incentive and the reversal of proposed Corporate Income Tax reductions. The document concludes that many UBIG scenarios, particularly those aligned with national poverty lines, are affordable without borrowing if these revenue-generating measures and reductions in irregular government expenditure are adopted.

The report finds that the complete removal of fossil fuel consumption subsidies across 32 modelled countries could reduce greenhouse gas emissions by an average of 6.09% by 2030. When combined with a 'subsidy swap' (reinvesting savings into energy efficiency and renewables) and a 10% energy tax, the average national emission reduction increases to 11.84%. The analysis highlights that while some countries like Venezuela see reductions over 30%, G20 nations provide the largest absolute reductions due to their economic scale. Financially, fossil fuel subsidy reform (FFSR) alone could generate USD 2.99 trillion in cumulative savings by 2030, offering a cost-effective mechanism for a 'green recovery' from the COVID-19 pandemic.

The report examines the proposed green hydrogen development in Boegoebaai, Northern Cape, focusing on the readiness of the Namakwa District Municipality (DM) and Richtersveld Local Municipality (LM). It finds that both municipalities lack the financial and technical capacity to support the anticipated population influx and infrastructure needs. The study highlights a 'top-down' planning approach by national and provincial governments that excludes local authorities and communities, leading to mistrust and procedural injustices. It concludes that without significant intergovernmental support and genuine public participation, the transition risks being unjust and disruptive to rural livelihoods.

The Institute for Economic Justice proposes a Universal Basic Income Guarantee (UBIG) for South African adults aged 18-59 to address widespread hunger and job losses. The brief argues that a universal, unconditional grant is superior to targeted measures due to administrative ease and broader reach. It suggests starting with a grant at the food poverty line (R585 per month), funded by R158 billion in progressive tax increases, including a Social Security Tax and the elimination of certain tax credits. In the medium term, the document recommends a wealth tax to increase the grant to lower-bound (R840) or upper-bound (R1,268) poverty lines. Immediate recommendations include extending and increasing the COVID-19 social relief grant and incorporating caregivers.

The Institute for Economic Justice reports that only about a third of South Africa's R500 billion COVID-19 rescue package had been utilized by February 2021. While social security and wage relief saw significant spending, other areas like the credit guarantee scheme and municipal funding suffered from disastrous underspending and lack of transparency. The report highlights that the expiration of social grants and the TERS scheme occurred just before the second pandemic wave, potentially plunging millions into hunger and leaving workers without support.

The Budget Justice Coalition (BJC) argues that South Africa's National Treasury has implemented a regressive austerity budget since 2012, prioritising debt reduction over essential social spending. This approach has led to systemic underinvestment in health, education, and social security, which the BJC claims was exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic. The report, 'Imali Yesizwe', advocates for a transition to a human rights-based budget that focuses on progressive tax reform, the introduction of a Universal Basic Income Grant (UBIG), and increased investment in the care economy and clean energy. It specifically criticises the use of Zero Based Budgeting (ZBB) as a tool for cuts and calls for greater fiscal transparency and public participation in the budgeting process to ensure the progressive realisation of constitutional rights.

The report argues that traditional mining tax regimes, primarily based on corporate income tax and royalties, are outdated and often fail to generate expected revenues due to aggressive tax planning by multinationals and overly generous incentives. It highlights how the transition to a low-carbon economy, the rise of automation and AI in mining, and the pressures of climate change and the COVID-19 pandemic necessitate a reconsideration of how states tax mineral resources. The document proposes a three-step dialogue process involving governments, industry, and civil society to develop a manual of innovative fiscal ideas that ensure equitable and sustainable returns from mining.

The report finds that electricity subsidies in Jharkhand are regressive, with a significant portion of benefits accruing to wealthier households. Using survey data from over 900 households, the authors analyze the current subsidy incidence and simulate three targeting options: using poverty ration cards, revising volumetric consumption slabs, and implementing a proxy means test (PMT). The analysis suggests that revising volumetric slabs offers the most significant potential for fiscal savings and improved targeting without excluding the most vulnerable, while the PMT approach based on existing SECC variables shows high inclusion and exclusion errors.

The report argues that South African municipalities are in a state of financial distress because the fiscal framework designed in the 1998 White Paper overestimated the ability of local governments to fund their operating expenditures through property rates and service charges. While the framework assumed 73% of operating costs could be covered by own revenue, the authors estimate the actual figure is likely less than 50%. This gap forces tariff increases that erode the 'social wage'—the state's strategy of providing affordable basic services to reduce poverty. The paper notes that good governance alone cannot solve this structural deficit, as even municipalities with clean audits often end the year in deficit. It further highlights that Eskom's direct supply of electricity to many households removes a key credit control tool for municipalities, hindering the collection of rates and taxes. The authors conclude that the system is fundamentally unsound and requires a complete redesign based on empirical data regarding service costs and household affordability.

Brazil ranks first among non-OECD G20 countries in the scorecard due to low support for coal and fossil fuel-based power, though it continues to provide significant funding for oil and gas production. While state-owned enterprise investments in fossil fuels decreased by 23% compared to the 2014–2016 average, the country faces criticism for a lack of transparency and the implementation of new tax incentives to boost oil and gas production.

Russia is identified as the second-largest provider of government support to fossil fuels globally, with an annual average of USD 80.9 billion between 2017 and 2019. This support is primarily driven by state-owned enterprise (SOE) investments and tax expenditures for oil and gas production. While the country has phased out some property tax exemptions for pipelines, overall tax expenditures for fossil fuels rose 79% compared to 2014–2016 averages. The report notes significant unquantified support via preferential rail tariffs for coal and regional programs for Arctic oil and gas, as well as a lack of commitment to G20 peer reviews on subsidies.

The annex updates data on electric vehicle GST concessions, power transmission infrastructure in Ladakh, LPG and kerosene subsidies, and a comprehensive list of coal producer and consumer taxes in India between FY 2014 and FY 2019.

In 2017, fossil fuels accounted for 92% of South Africa's primary energy supply, with related taxes and revenues making up 6.8% of general government revenue. The document argues that these revenues should be used to diversify the economy and cover the social costs of a just transition, while the phasing out of fossil fuel subsidies would increase government revenues and promote clean energy.

In 2017, fossil fuels accounted for 89% of China's primary energy supply, with related taxes and revenues representing 4.2% of general government revenue. The document argues that phasing out fossil fuel subsidies and strategically using these revenues can support economic diversification and the social costs of a just transition for vulnerable workers and communities.

The report analyzes the reliance of BRICS nations on fossil fuel revenues and subsidies, urging a strategic shift in fiscal policy to diversify economies and support vulnerable groups during the clean energy transition.

The report analyzes the dependence of BRICS governments on fossil fuel revenues and the risks posed by the clean energy transition, including asset stranding and revenue loss. It provides 2017 data on revenues and subsidies, highlighting Russia's high fiscal exposure and the potential for 'fossil fuel to clean energy subsidy swaps' to fund a just transition.