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Following a strong performance in the 2019 European elections, Europe Écologie-Les Verts (EELV) faces the challenge of converting this success into long-term electoral stability. The author notes that French green parties historically perform better in European elections than in national ones. To break this cycle, the document suggests EELV should leverage its 'ownership' of ecological issues, appeal to a diverse and volatile electorate—including young voters and former supporters of Emmanuel Macron and Jean-Luc Mélenchon—and shift from internal focus to a strategic ambition for power.

The authors argue that the EU's current GMO legislation is fit for purpose and that attempts by the agrifood industry to deregulate 'new breeding techniques' undermine the precautionary principle. They contend that genetic engineering does not solve hunger or environmental crises, suggesting instead that resources should be redirected toward agroecology and the development of resilient, low-input conventional breeds.

The author argues that EU enlargement in the Western Balkans has stalled due to a 'dull reality' where local leaders benefit from the status quo and the EU lacks the political will or understanding to enforce genuine rule of law. The Berlin Process is critiqued as a 'plan B' that prioritised technical compliance over substantive reform. The document highlights specific failures in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Serbia, North Macedonia, Kosovo, and Albania, while warning that an economic and strategic vacuum is being filled by China, Russia, Turkey, and the USA. It further expresses concern over Croatia's 2020 EU presidency given its nationalist tendencies and strained relations with neighbours.

The German Green Party has experienced a significant rise in support, surpassing the Social Democrats (SPD) in the 2019 European elections and becoming a leading force in German politics. This momentum is attributed to the party's transition from an anti-establishment movement to a 'responsible political actor' capable of governing, as evidenced by its presence in nine regional governments. The party's success is further driven by the leadership of Robert Habeck and Annalena Baerbock, who have moved beyond internal ideological divides to embrace 'radical realism'—a strategy that bridges contradictions between economy and ecology. This shift coincides with a broader restructuring of the German political landscape, where traditional 'Volksparteien' (people's parties) like the CDU and SPD are losing influence as society becomes more individualised and climate change becomes a primary public concern.

Following the 2019 European elections, Europe Écologie Les Verts (EELV) emerged as a significant independent force in France, securing 13.5% of the vote. The author argues that the party's success was driven by its refusal to merge into a united left-wing list and the influence of widespread climate protests. The text contrasts the Greens' approach with 'neo-populism'—seen in the Rassemblement National (RN) and La France Insoumise (LFI)—which the author claims is ill-suited for democratic self-organisation. The document concludes that a modern French left must be built around political ecology, integrating social justice with a responsibility toward nature and future generations.

Political scientist Félix Blanc argues that the EU lacks a unified security voice and remains overly dependent on the US, particularly regarding nuclear deterrence and military infrastructure. He contends that current initiatives like the European Defence Fund and the military mobility plan risk reinforcing this dependence rather than fostering strategic autonomy. Blanc proposes a Franco-German led initiative for nuclear disarmament and the creation of a new collective security architecture based on multilateralism and preventive disarmament to address threats from Russia, China, and regional instabilities.

The author argues that while the EU has developed better legal and institutional tools to protect the rule of law, the political commitment of Commission President Ursula von der Leyen is questionable. The text highlights a tension between the 'fact-based' discourse of judicial independence and a 'détente' policy that risks validating illiberal narratives in Eastern Europe.

The research challenges the assumption that European far-right parties uniformly deny climate change, highlighting a spectrum of attitudes from explicit rejection to acceptance of science. While parties like Germany's AfD maintain strong climate denial, Austria's FPÖ and Italy's Lega have moved toward accepting climate change as a reality. However, these parties use the issue to promote 'climate nationalism', rejecting supranational governance and the Paris Agreement in favor of national sovereignty and border control.

The analysis argues that while Justin Trudeau has positioned Canada as a reliable, progressive partner for the EU and a defender of the rules-based international order, his actual record is marked by contradictions. Key discrepancies include a gap between international climate leadership and domestic support for extractive industries, a failure to meet UN peacekeeping pledges, and continued arms exports to Middle Eastern states despite human rights rhetoric. The document also contrasts Trudeau's approach with the more hawkish, US-aligned foreign policy proposed by Conservative leader Andrew Scheer.

The author argues that EU free trade agreements (FTAs) provide a mixed record of worker protection. While TSD chapters reinforce fundamental International Labour Organization (ILO) standards, they lack binding enforcement sanctions and neglect broader employment laws. The EU's ability to strengthen these protections is constrained by a legal division of competences between the EU and its member states, which limits the EU's solo authority to regulate social protection levels. The author suggests that 'regulatory cooperation' mechanisms could be a viable path to improve oversight and prevent a 'race to the bottom' in social standards.

The author argues that the European media business model is broken due to falling advertising revenues, the rise of algorithmic polarisation, and opaque ownership structures. This has led to a decline in rigorous investigative journalism and the rise of 'fake news' and state-sponsored disinformation. The text suggests that current technical and legal fixes are insufficient and that governments must provide financial support, such as grants and subsidies, to ethical, fact-based journalism to protect democratic norms.

The text analyzes how contemporary European political discourse uses the opposition to Islam to mask a contradiction between 1960s liberal values and traditional Christian identity. It argues that populist movements use Christianity as a mere identity marker rather than a spiritual guide, which paradoxically accelerates the secularization of Europe. The author contends that both pro-European and leftist parties fail to adequately address the role of religion, leaving the definition of European identity to be dominated by populist rhetoric.

Following the May 26 2019 elections, Belgium's Green parties saw divergent results: Ecolo grew in Wallonia and Brussels, while Groen's performance in Flanders was viewed as disappointing. The author attributes some of this to 'climate reassurers'—right-wing parties like NVA and Vlaams Belang that downplay the urgency of climate action to maintain neoliberal economic models. The document explores two future strategies for the Greens: focusing on local governance in cities to demonstrate success or joining federal and regional governments despite the risk of compromising their radical climate agenda.

The authors contend that the EU is paralyzed by institutional inertia, the dominance of the Council, and the influence of vested interests. They critique Emmanuel Macron's reliance on a Franco-German bilateral engine, arguing that it ignores the reality of transnational politics and the effectiveness of coalitions like the Visegrád Group. The text suggests that breaking the deadlock requires leveraging the European Parliament, forming offensive and defensive coalitions, and using strategic unilateral action or the blocking of trade deals to force systemic change.

The author contends that the European Union's handling of the 2008 economic crisis eroded public trust and democratic legitimacy, leaving it ill-equipped to face urgent challenges like climate change. To avoid public rejection and the rise of the far-right, the document proposes transforming EU institutions to be more permeable to citizen participation and reconstructing a common narrative based on solidarity and shared European values.

The case study explores how stakeholders in Dordrecht, a vulnerable Dutch city, imagine various climate futures to foster participatory climate resilience. Through narrative interviews, four scenarios emerged: a 'doomsday' future involving total dyke failure and depopulation; a 'disruptive' future marked by frequent pluvial flooding and heat stress; a 'challenged but bearable' future where adaptation measures like 'sponge' neighborhoods and increased water room mitigate impacts; and a 'climate resilient safe future' characterized by global carbon neutrality and systemic zero-carbon urban development. The research emphasizes that historical memories of floods, such as the 1421 St. Elisabeth flood, strongly influence current perceptions of risk and the desire for collaborative climate action.

The document analyzes the tension between two competing sets of European values: 1960s liberal values (such as LGBT rights and feminism) and traditional Christian identity. It argues that populist movements use a 'concocted vision of the past' to frame Islam as culturally incompatible with Europe, while simultaneously ignoring the fact that they have embraced the very liberal values that traditional Christianity rejects. This paradox, combined with laws banning religious symbols to target Islam, results in the further dechristianisation of Europe, turning faith into mere 'folklore'.

The analysis argues that while a broad coalition of Eurosceptic parties could obstruct EU integration, only radical-right populists pose a substantive threat to liberal democratic values, though their ability to implement an 'illiberal' model in Western Europe remains limited by public opinion.

The author argues that Poland and Ukraine's dependence on Russian gas and oil creates significant security vulnerabilities, which Russia exploits for political pressure. While Poland is investing in infrastructure like the Świnoujście LNG terminal and Baltic Pipe to end gas imports by 2022, Ukraine remains more vulnerable due to limited financial and regulatory capacity. The document posits that long-term resilience against 'hybrid war' requires a shift from centralized energy systems to distributed networks based on renewables and improved energy efficiency, particularly in the housing sector.

The author criticizes the EU's current approach to media freedom, arguing that relying on national governments is insufficient, especially in countries like Hungary and Poland where media pluralism is threatened. While acknowledging some progress—such as the proposed whistleblower directive and small-scale funding for investigative projects—the text contends that these efforts are inadequate against the dominance of tech platforms like Google and Facebook. The document calls for a permanent EU funding body for investigative journalism, a re-evaluation of the subsidiarity principle regarding media, and a requirement for online platforms to share revenue with high-quality news providers.