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The report identifies and quantifies non-tariff barriers (NTBs) along the Durban–Gaborone corridor, finding that these barriers account for 24.4% of round-trip heavy vehicle running costs. The most significant costs are attributed to South African toll roads, including direct fees and indirect costs from fuel consumption and downtime. Other identified NTBs include Botswana user charges, infrastructure deterioration, weighbridge delays, harbour permit costs, and border clearance procedures. The study suggests that these NTBs contribute approximately 1.83% to the final cost of sales, which, when modelled against South Africa's GDP, represents a potential national impact of R31.61 billion.

The report uses scenario planning to analyze the uncertainties surrounding the WTO Doha Round and Southern Africa's trade relations. It identifies key driving forces and uncertainties, developing multiple scenarios for the multilateral trade talks, intra-regional integration (SADC, SACU, Comesa, EAC), and external relations with the US and EU. The document outlines 'preferred futures' and provides roadmaps with milestones to achieve them, emphasizing the need for proactive policy adjustments and strategic alliances.

The report examines South Africa's IPR framework, highlighting the risks associated with its non-examining patent system and the potential for regional harmonisation within SACU to boost investment and innovation. It details the specific patent laws of South Africa and other SACU member states (Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia, and Swaziland), comparing them against TRIPS and ARIPO standards.

The report finds that SACU lacks a unified investment policy, relying instead on a fragmented network of bilateral investment treaties (BITs) and regional agreements. While there is general convergence on minimum international standards for expropriation and dispute settlement, significant disparities exist in the definition of investors and the application of national treatment, particularly regarding South Africa's black economic empowerment policies. The author argues that harmonisation, potentially using the SADC Finance and Investment Protocol as a model, would reduce legal risks for investors and prevent a 'race to the bottom' among member states, though it faces challenges from national sovereignty concerns and a lack of political commitment.

The report analyzes the growing resource-based partnership between China and Gabon, highlighting China's increasing role in Gabon's oil, timber, and mining sectors. It details the strategic importance of the Belinga iron ore project and examines how Sino-Gabonese relations are shaped by resource extraction, infrastructure development, and environmental concerns.

The document argues that sub-Saharan Africa is disproportionately vulnerable to climate change due to its reliance on rain-fed agriculture and limited institutional capacity, yet it contributes minimally to global greenhouse gas emissions. It highlights a tension between the high initial costs of carbon-efficient development and immediate poverty reduction needs. The author proposes 'development-led' and 'no-regrets' approaches—such as the Mad’Etole wind project in Madagascar—to align environmental sustainability with economic growth. The paper also examines financial mechanisms like the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) and the World Bank's Forest Carbon Partnership Facility (FCPF) as tools for funding, while noting that international financial support for adaptation has remained insufficient.

The report argues that South Africa's current account deficit is sustainable and driven by net capital inflows that foster necessary structural change. It cautions against using currency depreciation, selective industrial policy (NIPF), or trade barriers to address the deficit, suggesting instead that the government focus on removing microeconomic bottlenecks in infrastructure and education to boost productivity.

The report evaluates China's duty-free treatment of 440 products from 30 African LDCs, comparing it to US and EU preference schemes. It finds that while the preferences are well-tailored to existing export capacities, their overall economic impact is modest due to severe supply-side constraints and the exclusion of key products like raw cotton.

The synopsis details findings that approximately 25% of transport costs in the Durban-Gaborone corridor are attributed to non-tariff barrier (NTB) impediments, including toll roads, border posts, and poor road infrastructure. Discussions focused on the inefficiency of two-stop border processes within SACU, the impact of fuel levy redirection on infrastructure funding, and the potential for technological solutions to reduce downtime at toll plazas. Participants suggested expanding future research to include rail, ports, and a comparison of South Africa's cross-border trade costs against other emerging markets.

The document outlines the potential for synergy between Korea's technological and management expertise and Africa's abundant natural resources. It contrasts Africa's current economic struggles—including infrastructure deficits and the HIV/AIDS epidemic—with Korea's transition from a war-ravaged nation in the 1950s to an OECD member by 1996. The speaker emphasizes that Africa can learn from Korea's state-led industrialization and rural development initiatives, such as the Saemoul Undong, to achieve sustainable growth and poverty eradication.

Elizabeth Sidiropoulos, National Director of SAIIA, welcomes participants to the Korea Africa Forum Intersessional Meeting in Johannesburg. She highlights the importance of the growing economic relationship between Korea and Africa, noting that Korea can share lessons from its rapid growth while Africa provides resources necessary for Korean industrial production.

The research paper examines the complexities of the China-Africa relationship, highlighting the tension between massive Chinese investment and growing African concerns over colonial-style economic structures, labor standards, and environmental impacts. It identifies four conceptual roles China plays in Africa—as a face of globalisation, a development model, a mirror for the West, and a responsible stakeholder—and argues that the sustainability of the partnership depends on Africa's ability to manage these dynamics and China's adherence to international standards.

The report argues that while trade liberalisation has generally fostered growth and poverty reduction in developing countries, the momentum for such reforms has slowed since the 1990s. It identifies macroeconomic crises, interest group shifts, and the influence of ideas as primary drivers of reform, while noting that 'new-globalising' countries—particularly in East Asia—have seen the most success. The author advocates for unilateral liberalisation over reciprocal negotiations and warns against a return to 'hard' industrial policies or over-reliance on foreign aid.

The document proposes a study to expand upon a pilot analysis of South Africa-Zimbabwe trade by examining South Africa-Botswana trade. It argues for a broadened definition of non-tariff barriers to include "trade policy barriers" such as exchange controls and environmental levies. The research intends to move beyond individual company impacts to analyze how NTBs affect entire supply chains, utilizing a methodology of desktop analysis, interviews, and first-hand observations at selected border posts.

The document identifies trade policy and administrative barriers as the primary non-tariff barriers (NTBs) on the North-South Corridor between South Africa and Zimbabwe. Key obstacles include foreign exchange (FX) controls, administrative delays at the Beit Bridge border, and high transport costs. Sector-specific analysis reveals that Zimbabwean exports (nickel, cotton, tobacco, and manufactured goods) are heavily impacted by FX remittance requirements, while South African exports (fuel, vehicles, and steel) are hindered by Zimbabwean FX shortages and price controls. The briefing also highlights infrastructure issues, such as trucking queues at Durban harbour costing transporters ZAR150,000 per hour and the lack of maintained rail infrastructure.

The briefing examines regional integration in Central Africa, contrasting the deeper economic and monetary integration of the Central Africa Economic and Monetary Community (CEMAC) with the broader, more politically focused Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS). It highlights the influence of France and the EU, the economic role of Nigeria, and the complexities of Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) negotiations, particularly regarding revenue loss from tariffs and the asymmetric development levels of member states.

The document examines Malawi's strategic dilemma of belonging to both the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC). It highlights that while the private sector favors COMESA's rules of origin, trade data shows SADC, particularly South Africa, is a more significant export destination. The briefing discusses the technical impossibility of belonging to two customs unions and the pressure from the European Commission to choose one regional economic community to secure European Development Fund (EDF) funding. It concludes that Malawi is likely to remain in both free trade areas in the short term to avoid revenue loss and maintain development funding, while potentially pursuing a split strategy where SADC focuses on development and COMESA on trade.

The report examines the 'aid for trade' concept, which aims to help developing countries, particularly least-developed countries (LDCs), build supply-side capacity and infrastructure to benefit from the multilateral trading system. It analyzes the recommendations of the WTO Task Force on Aid for Trade, the role of the African Group, and the impact of other initiatives like the Enhanced Integrated Framework (IF) and Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) with the EU. The author argues that for aid for trade to be effective in southern and eastern Africa, it must be driven by the recipient countries, integrated into national development strategies, and delinked from market access concessions in the Doha Round.

The National Chairman of the South African Institute of International Affairs assesses South Africa's role as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council in 2007. The statement critiques the tension between South Africa's aspirational moral authority and the 'realpolitik' of global diplomacy, specifically citing failures to address human rights violations in Zimbabwe. It advocates for a shift from state security to human security and calls for the development of indigenous African research capacity to shape the continent's policy agendas.

Zimbabwe is experiencing severe economic collapse and political unrest, characterized by inflation exceeding 1,700 per cent and unemployment over 80 per cent. While internal fractures within the ruling ZANU-PF party and protests from public-sector workers suggest a potential shift in power, the document argues that simply removing President Robert Mugabe would be insufficient. A stable transition would require a caretaker government, a constitutional review, and the reinvention of democratic institutions like the Electoral Commission to separate the ruling party from state apparatus. The author suggests that the African Union and other international actors may need to broker a transition, noting that Mugabe's fear of prosecution by the International Criminal Court may hinder his willingness to step down.