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The report analyzes the shift in international development cooperation following the Busan High Level Forum, highlighting the rise of South-South cooperation and the challenge emerging powers pose to the OECD-DAC's Paris Declaration. It notes a transition from a narrow 'aid' agenda toward 'development effectiveness' and economic growth, particularly in Africa, where the influence of traditional Western donors is declining in favor of results-oriented investments from countries like China, India, and Brazil. While the Busan Outcomes Declaration seeks a more inclusive Global Partnership for Effective Development Cooperation, the document argues that a fundamental divide persists between Western aid practices and the mercantilist, tied-aid approaches of emerging economies.

The document analyzes South Africa's efforts to attract sustainable local and foreign investment through a combination of industrial policies, such as the New Growth Path (NGP), and a diverse catalogue of financial and fiscal incentives. It highlights a significant decline in foreign direct investment (FDI) between 2008 and 2010, attributed largely to high labor costs, and examines the 'Gateway into Africa' initiative designed to make South Africa a regional investment hub. The paper details various dti-managed incentives targeting SMMEs, industrial development, and specific sectors like automotive and film, while noting that many investors remain unaware of these schemes or find the application process cumbersome.

The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) maintains membership in four Regional Economic Communities (RECs)—COMESA, SADC, ECCAS, and CEPGL—but plays a negligible role in all of them. Despite data showing the DRC is more economically integrated with southern and eastern Africa (SADC and COMESA), the government has shown a preference for integration within the central African region (ECCAS-CEMAC). This contradiction is attributed to political drivers, such as regime survival and external pressure from the EU and Belgium, rather than economic logic. The DRC's integration is further hampered by overlapping memberships, political instability, a lack of industrial diversification, and poor internal transport infrastructure that leaves its provinces more integrated with neighbors than with the national economy.

The document analyzes French relations with sub-Saharan Africa under President Nicolas Sarkozy, highlighting a pattern of oscillation between a public discourse of renewal and the practical maintenance of ties with authoritarian leaders. It details reforms in military presence, such as the closure of the Dakar base and the renegotiation of defense agreements, while noting continued interventions in Côte d’Ivoire and Chad. Commercially, France remains dominant in Francophone Africa through the CFA Franc zone and strategic interests in oil and uranium, though it is increasingly competing with new powers like China. The author argues that a lack of transparency continues to fuel conspiracy theories and negative perceptions of French influence across the continent.

The 2012 SAIIA Young Leaders Declaration calls for international and national action on environmental sustainability, the eradication of poverty in Least Developed Countries, and the transition to renewable energy in South Africa. It further advocates for universal education through improved infrastructure and teacher support, and proposes a specific structural reform of the UN Security Council to ensure fairer regional representation, particularly for Africa.

The document examines the tensions and opportunities in the relationship between the South African government and its business sector regarding activities in Southern Africa. It highlights a domestic legacy of mistrust rooted in apartheid and ideological differences, which hinders coordinated economic diplomacy. While South African corporate expansion supports regional growth, it has also led to perceptions of 'neo-imperialism'. The paper discusses the ANC's call for a business code of conduct and recommends a 'perceptions audit', improved diplomatic skills, and increased dialogue between business and parliament to align national economic interests with regional development goals.

The Zambia–China Cooperation Zone (ZCCZ), comprising the Chambishi and Lusaka East subsections, is China's first economic and trade co-operation zone in Africa. While it has attracted significant investment, primarily in copper smelting, the project faces critical implementation hurdles including poor surrounding infrastructure, a lack of regulatory frameworks for local content and technology transfer, and labour disputes stemming from differing work cultures. The document argues that for the ZCCZ to succeed, both Chinese investors and Zambian authorities must increase transparency and develop a cohesive industrial strategy that integrates local entrepreneurs.

The policy brief examines the intersection of South Africa's domestic immigration challenges and its 'quiet diplomacy' toward Zimbabwe. It highlights a systemic failure in South Africa's asylum and immigration regimes, characterized by corruption and inefficiency, which has contributed to xenophobic violence and damaged South Africa's international reputation. The author argues that by treating Zimbabwean migrants primarily as economic actors rather than political refugees, South Africa has inadvertently supported the ZANU-PF regime. The brief recommends a thorough overhaul of the immigration system, restoration of the asylum system's credibility through UNHCR involvement, and the inclusion of the Zimbabwean diaspora in constitutional reform and election processes.

The document analyses the political economy of the Doha Round's 'end-game' and its impact on South Africa. It highlights a conflict between South Africa's state-driven industrial policy and the liberalisation demands of the NAMA-agriculture 'exchange rate'. The authors argue that South Africa's interests are best served by preserving a NAMA carve-out for the Southern African Customs Union (SACU) and offering concessions in the services sector—specifically in telecommunications, transport, and energy—to secure agricultural gains from developed nations.

The document examines the strategic partnership between China and Gabon, centered on the Bélinga iron ore project. It analyzes how Gabon seeks to diversify its oil-dependent economy through Chinese investment in mining and infrastructure, while China seeks to secure strategic mineral resources. The paper highlights significant delays in the project's execution following the death of President Omar Bongo in 2009, commodity price volatility, and increasing pressure from civil society regarding environmental and labor issues. It concludes that while the project offers potential for regional development and infrastructure, the current 'barter' model of loans-for-resources may limit short-term economic benefits and fail to trigger a major structural change in Gabon's rentier economy.

The paper examines the conflict between the AmaDiba community, the South African government, and Mineral Commodities Limited (MRC) over a proposed ilmenite mine. It highlights failures in community consultation, contradictions between the Department of Mineral Resources (DMR) and the Department of Water and Environmental Affairs (DWEA), and the misuse of black economic empowerment (BEE) legislation via the Xolobeni Empowerment Company (XolCo). The author argues for the adoption of the Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC) protocol to ensure a 'social licence' for mining.

The policy brief examines the activities of Chinese state-run banks (Exim Bank and CDB) and the private Luso-Chinese fund Geocapital in Mozambique. While these entities leverage strong political and personal connections to enter the market, they have struggled to attract significant Chinese capital due to poor strategic planning and a lack of institutional capacity within Mozambique. The document highlights specific infrastructure loans and the establishment of Moza Banco, while noting that many large-scale projects have either collapsed or failed to materialize.

South Africa hosted COP 17 in 2011 with the goal of establishing legal guidelines for carbon emission reductions and advancing a post-2012 global climate regime. The document highlights the tension between developed and developing nations regarding binding targets, specifically the stalemate over the Kyoto Protocol. South Africa aims to act as a bridge-builder, championing African agency and adaptation needs while coordinating with the BASIC alliance. Domestically, the document notes that South Africa must finalize policies on carbon taxes and renewable energy tariffs to lead by example, as it is the world's 13th highest greenhouse-gas emitter.

The document analyzes Nigeria's multifaceted relationships with Brazil, Russia, India, and China, highlighting a pattern where Nigeria leverages its oil and gas resources to secure infrastructural development and technical cooperation. While diplomatic and trade ties are strong—particularly with India and China—the paper notes significant friction regarding the quality of Chinese goods, the treatment of workers by Indian and Chinese employers, and the failure of some BRIC entities to honor infrastructure commitments in exchange for oil blocks. It also details the strategic rivalry among the BRICs to capture Nigeria's market, noting that India's linguistic and historical advantages contrast with China's superior financial muscle.

China has significantly increased and diversified its agricultural investments in Africa since 2000, driven by domestic food security concerns, market demand for commodities and biofuels, and a strategic 'going out' policy. These investments manifest as foreign direct investment (FDI), aid projects, infrastructure development, and technology transfer. While China's own success in poverty reduction through agricultural reform offers potential lessons, the paper notes that the effectiveness of these investments in Africa depends on local institutional environments and the adaptation of technology to specific African conditions.

The document examines the transition of Chinese finance in Africa from peripheral concessional lending to a more central, diverse role involving commercial banking and strategic investments. It details the internal reforms of the Chinese banking system that enabled international expansion and uses case studies of South Africa, Nigeria, and Mozambique to illustrate different engagement strategies. The analysis highlights a shift toward joint ventures and partnerships with local banks to mitigate risk and gain market knowledge, while also noting the growing influence of the renminbi in trade settlements.

The document analyzes the shift in Chinese investment in the DRC's telecommunications sector, noting a transition from operating mobile networks to dominating equipment supply. It highlights the failure of ZTE's politically motivated investment in Congo Chine Télécoms (CCT), which was sold to France Telecom-Orange in 2011, and contrasts this with Huawei's success in providing infrastructure to major operators. The author argues that business-oriented strategies, free from political obligations, are more sustainable for foreign investors in the DRC.

The policy brief highlights that African countries are among the most vulnerable to climate change impacts on fisheries due to high economic sensitivity and low adaptive capacity. It argues that fisheries have been overlooked in climate discourse compared to agriculture and recommends that fisheries-dependent states integrate marine and freshwater systems into national adaptation plans. The author emphasizes that addressing existing governance failures—such as illegal fishing and habitat destruction—is essential to increasing ecological resilience. The brief urges African states to strategically access financing mechanisms like the Adaptation Fund and to ensure fisheries are a priority during COP 17 negotiations in Durban, South Africa.

The document examines the transition from the African Renaissance Fund (ARF) to the South African Development Partnership Agency (SADPA). It details SADPA's intended role in coordinating international development cooperation, its potential funding of up to R3 billion, and its dual purpose of supporting African regional integration while opening economic opportunities for South African businesses.

The document details a high-level policy dialogue in Johannesburg focused on the complementary roles of traditional and emerging powers in Africa's development. It highlights the different priorities of the EU (governance and human rights) versus China, India, and Brazil (infrastructure and equipment), while emphasizing that Africa requires a coordinated engagement policy to avoid a 'new scramble for Africa'. The report explores triangular cooperation, sustainable natural resource management through initiatives like the ICGLR, and the challenges of regional integration and infrastructure funding, noting an annual infrastructure shortfall of US$43 billion.