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The document analyzes the BRICS' dual strategy of pursuing 'inside reforms' of the IMF and World Bank while establishing 'outside' alternatives like the New Development Bank (NDB) and Contingent Reserve Arrangement (CRA). It finds that while emerging markets gained some voting power, many developing countries, including several in Africa, saw their shares decrease. The paper highlights a disconnect between the BRICS' collective 'African agenda' and the individual bilateral strategies of its members, recommending a dedicated BRICS-Africa strategy and formal coordination with the African Union.

Since 2016, Israel has pursued a vigorous African engagement strategy to secure diplomatic support in international forums and expand markets for its technology and security expertise. While relations are deepening with East African nations like Ethiopia and Kenya due to shared security concerns and commercial opportunities, ties with regional powerhouses Nigeria and South Africa remain complex and often strained by solidarity with the Palestinian cause. Despite high-level diplomatic efforts, including Prime Minister Netanyahu's visits and the proposed Africa-Israel Summit, the document finds that trade between Israel and Africa remains minimal and that winning consistent loyalty in the UN General Assembly remains elusive.

The document analyzes the engagement of China, Japan, and India in East Africa, particularly Kenya and Tanzania, highlighting the strategic importance of maritime ports and transport corridors. It details significant infrastructure projects, such as the LAPSSET Corridor and the Mombasa port upgrades, while noting a persistent trade imbalance where East African nations export raw materials and import high-value finished goods. The author argues that while these investments offer growth opportunities, they require improved governance to ensure sustainable and inclusive development.

The document examines Kenya's strategic shift toward an integrated Blue Economy, encompassing maritime sectors and inland water bodies. While highlighting growth in port capacity and aquaculture, it identifies critical risks including illegal fishing, environmental degradation from large infrastructure projects, and social exclusion. The author emphasizes the need for better coordination between government ministries and inclusive national dialogue to ensure sustainable development.

The document analyzes Zimbabwe's transition following the ousting of Robert Mugabe, focusing on the 2018 general elections. It argues that while Emmerson Mnangagwa and ZANU-PF are likely to win, the legitimacy of the process is crucial for unlocking foreign investment and implementing economic reforms. The author suggests a 'pragmatic' economic approach, citing Cote d'Ivoire as a positive model for recovery through IMF engagement and market-friendly policies, while warning against the political instability seen in Egypt. Key priorities identified include addressing the $9 billion debt, stabilizing the currency, and re-engaging with Western partners and the IMF.

The report details a two-day workshop in June 2018 focused on aligning African development priorities with the BAPA+40 process. Key discussions centered on the need for a common definition and measurement framework for South-South Cooperation (SSC), the integration of Agenda 2063 and the SDGs, and the role of civil society. The workshop highlighted challenges in infrastructure financing, economic structural transformation, and the intersection of peace and development. Participants emphasized moving beyond superficial themes to create an action-oriented outcome for BAPA+40, proposing several thematic papers for the UN Office for South-South Cooperation.

The document examines the AfCFTA, an agreement aiming to create a single market for goods, services, and investment across 55 African countries. It highlights potential gains such as a 52% increase in intra-African trade and a 4% rise in total exports, while identifying significant hurdles including poor infrastructure, non-tariff barriers, and varying levels of political commitment. The paper specifically discusses the tensions between larger economies and less-developed countries (LDCs) regarding tariff liberalisation and special and differential treatment, as well as the complexities of overlapping memberships in Regional Economic Communities (RECs). It concludes that the success of the AfCFTA depends on domestic implementation and the ability of AU members to align national interests with continental goals.

The paper examines Tanzania's electrification challenges, noting that only 32.8% of the population had electricity access in 2016. It critiques the proposed $3.6 billion Stiegler's Gorge hydroelectric dam, arguing that its benefits are outweighed by risks to the Selous World Heritage Site and downstream livelihoods in the Lower Rufiji. The author suggests that Tanzania should leapfrog traditional centralized infrastructure in favor of a combination of large-scale and micro-scale solar and wind power to achieve inclusive development without causing significant biodiversity loss.

The EU–SADC EPA, effective October 2016, provides tariff preferences for South Africa and other SADC members, with higher benefits for processed goods. Despite this, South Africa has underutilised its quotas for several processed fruit products due to a lack of awareness, sanitary and phytosanitary (SPS) issues, and drought. The document highlights the potential for growth in the canned fruit and juice sectors, noting that while large companies dominate, there are opportunities for SMEs if barriers such as the lack of local testing laboratories and changing EU consumer preferences (e.g., reduced sugar) are addressed. It recommends establishing information portals, improving SPS capacity, and providing technical assistance for niche markets like nuts to better integrate small-scale producers into the EU value chain.

The policy brief assesses the evolution of the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) and identifies strategic opportunities for South Africa during its 2017-2018 chairmanship. While acknowledging IORA's progress in establishing priority areas like the Blue Economy and maritime security, the author argues that the organisation is hindered by a consensus-based decision-making process that avoids controversy and a 'member-driven approach' that lacks continuity and transparency. The brief recommends that South Africa focus on institutional reforms to better integrate academic and policy research, strengthen ties with other African member states and the 2050 Africa’s Integrated Maritime Strategy, and improve the Secretariat's monitoring and reporting functions.

The policy brief examines the challenges facing small-scale fisheries (SSFs), particularly in Africa, such as data scarcity and the exclusion of fishers from governance. It proposes ICT tools as a means to enhance data collection, improve market transparency, and connect operational actors with strategic managers. The document highlights the ABALOBI initiative in South Africa as a successful model of a bottom-up, co-developed ICT suite that empowers fishers and supports the co-management of resources.

The document examines the negative impacts of seismic surveys on marine fauna and evaluates the adequacy of current mitigation guidelines in South Africa and globally. It recommends that South Africa move away from company-led environmental impact assessments (EIAs) toward a national, legislated regulatory framework to ensure environmental integrity during oil and gas exploration.

The document reviews the African Union's (AU) 2017 Year of Youth, highlighting the gap between the adoption of high-level frameworks like the African Youth Charter and their actual domestication by member states. While it identifies successes in youth-led political activism in Nigeria, The Gambia, and South Africa, and praises Rwanda's technology-driven youth employment models, it criticizes the AU's lack of monitoring and evaluation (M&E) and the tokenistic nature of some youth participation. The authors advocate for using existing tools like the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) to track progress and prioritize education, employment, and political inclusion to realize the goals of Agenda 2063.

The document examines how South Africa and Lesotho can leverage the SADC EPA to increase agro-processing exports to the EU. While South Africa has established capacity but struggles with quota uptake and SME integration, Lesotho starts from a 'near zero base' with significant infrastructure and standards gaps. The paper emphasizes the need for regional value chains and targeted EU development support to assist SMEs, women, and youth.

The document examines the intersection of mining, governance, and the Fourth Industrial Revolution in Africa. It argues that while the global energy transition will double demand for minerals like copper, lithium, and cobalt, African countries must strengthen institutions to ensure these resources drive broad-based industrialisation rather than remaining as disconnected enclaves. The author analyzes specific governance failures and opportunities in South Africa, Guinea, Botswana, and Tanzania, emphasizing the need for stable legal frameworks, the protection of ecological integrity, and the formalisation of artisanal mining. It concludes that leapfrogging traditional development trajectories via renewable energy and smart technology is possible if governments prioritize inclusive institutions over the interests of politically connected elites.

The document examines the crisis of marine plastic pollution, noting that while Asia is currently the most polluted continent, Africa is on track to take this title due to rapid population growth, industrialisation, and a lack of waste management capacity. It details the environmental impacts of plastic, including entanglement and ingestion by 344 and 331 marine species respectively, and the economic losses associated with tourism and material waste. The brief surveys a wide array of international treaties—such as UNCLOS, MARPOL, and the Basel Convention—and regional frameworks like the RSCAPs, arguing that policies must shift from focusing on ocean-based waste to targeting land-based sources. It highlights South Africa's legislative framework as an example of established policy that still lacks ground-level implementation, and promotes the African Marine Waste Network (AMWN) as a holistic model for research, economic incentives, and capacity building.

The document assesses the operationalisation of the SADC Regional Development Fund (RDF), arguing that while the fund aims to mobilise resources for regional integration and infrastructure, its success is hindered by the poor fiscal positions of member states and a critical lack of bankable projects. The authors highlight a significant financing gap in early-stage project preparation, noting that 69% of SADC PIDA projects remain in early development. The paper suggests that the RDF should prioritise early-stage project support over general project finance and recommends absorbing the existing SADC Project Preparation and Development Facility (PPDF) to leverage existing expertise and reduce setup costs. It also addresses the political dynamics of South Africa's economic dominance and the over-reliance on international cooperating partners (ICPs), proposing capacity-building initiatives to improve project conceptualisation and regulatory harmonisation across borders.

The document examines the fallout of the US withdrawal from the 2015 Iran nuclear deal (JCPOA), noting that the decision ignored findings from the International Atomic Energy Agency and US intelligence. It highlights a broader decline in international cooperation, as evidenced by a Council of Councils report that downgraded the effectiveness of efforts to prevent nuclear proliferation and nuclear war from a B- to D-.

The document argues that while the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance provides a normative framework, democratic processes in Africa have largely stagnated in a transitional phase, often trapped in an 'electoral fallacy' where regular elections occur without deep institutional consolidation. It identifies internal pressures—such as the rise of populism, election-related violence, and long-term leadership—and external pressures—including the influence of non-democratic powers like China, Russia, and Turkey, and a 'security-first' doctrine from Western actors—as primary drivers of democratic recession. Despite these challenges, the author notes positive signals such as the increasing number of charter signatories, the role of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), and the effectiveness of ECOWAS in restoring democracy in specific instances. The briefing recommends limiting the concentration of power through term limits and shifting international investment toward domestic democratic processes rather than just regional frameworks.

The paper argues that while South Africa possesses the necessary legal tools—primarily through the Mineral and Petroleum Resources Development Act (MPRDA) and the National Environmental Management Act (NEMA)—to achieve the targets of SDG 12, practical implementation is hindered by systemic failures. These include a lack of political will, administrative inefficiency within the Department of Mineral Resources (DMR), and poor inter-departmental coordination. The authors highlight a specific governance risk where the DMR acts as both the awarding authority for environmental authorisations and the body responsible for their implementation, which weakens oversight.