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This report analyzes the strategic importance of President Barack Obama's June 2013 visit to Senegal, South Africa, and Tanzania. It frames the visit as part of a broader shift in US-Africa relations, moving from the strategic indifference of the 1990s toward a partnership focused on economic growth, democratic strengthening, energy security, and youth leadership development, while competing with China's significant trade presence on the continent.

This research paper examines the methodological approaches used to analyze the effects of trade liberalization on growth and poverty in South Africa, arguing that the debate is often polarized by an unrealistic focus on 'free trade' as a benchmark rather than evaluating trade policy against national development and industrial goals.

This policy briefing examines the historically strained bilateral relationship between Mozambique and Malawi, detailing the causes of distrust and the recent efforts to recalibrate relations following the change of leadership in Malawi in 2012.

This research paper examines the failure of the biofuels sector in Zambia, where government goals of poverty reduction and energy security were undermined by a lack of policy safeguards, poor infrastructure, and the inability of small-scale farmers to access international markets.

This research paper examines why South Africa is a founding member of the Open Government Partnership (OGP) but remains absent from the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI). The author argues that South Africa's reliance on general domestic transparency laws is insufficient for the specific needs of the extractive sector and suggests that the government's reluctance is tied to geopolitical perceptions of double standards between the global North and South.

This research paper analyzes the impact of the death of 13 South African soldiers in the Central African Republic (CAR) on March 23, 2013, arguing that the incident exposed failures in democratic transparency and institutional accountability within South Africa's foreign policy. The author suggests that to preserve its 'African agenda,' South Africa must move away from Cold War-era anti-imperialist prisms, improve intelligence partnerships with traditional powers, and proactively domesticate its foreign policy through democratic scrutiny.

This research paper analyzes South Africa's military and diplomatic involvement in the Central African Republic (CAR), framing it as part of a broader geopolitical struggle for resource control and influence. The author argues that South Africa's efforts to resist Western interference and align with emerging powers like the BRICS group were undermined by a lack of regional support and insufficient intelligence infrastructure, ultimately leading to a 'humiliating experience' in the face of established Chinese and French interests.

This research paper analyzes the diplomatic and strategic relationship between Senegal and Guinea-Bissau from 2000 to 2012, focusing on the foreign policy of President Abdoulaye Wade. It examines how Senegal utilized its economic power, diplomatic networks, and patronage to influence its neighbor, primarily to secure its southern border and combat the MFDC separatists in Casamance. The document details the shift from a period of Senegalese dominance to a more contested environment characterized by the rising influence of Angola.

This research paper analyzes the evolution of Senegal's foreign policy from 2000 to 2013, focusing on the transition from the administration of President Abdoulaye Wade to that of President Macky Sall. It examines the shift toward 'technicization' and economic diplomacy, the concentration of power within the executive branch, and the influence of pan-Africanism.

This research paper analyzes the foreign policy of Senegal from 2000 to 2013, highlighting a shift from traditional diplomacy to a technical, economy-driven approach under President Abdoulaye Wade. It details the concentration of diplomatic power in the presidency, the marginalization of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the legislature, and the pursuit of South-South cooperation with emerging powers like China and Dubai. The paper concludes that the 2012 election of President Macky Sall marked a return to more classical diplomacy, prioritizing relations with France and neighboring states.

This research paper by Tony Chafer, published by the South African Institute of International Affairs in April 2013, examines the multifaceted relations between France and Senegal from 2000 to 2012. It analyzes the historical context, economic ties, cultural exchanges, military cooperation, and political tensions, particularly during the presidency of Abdoulaye Wade, and looks toward the transition to the presidency of Macky Sall.

This research paper evaluates the viability of the South African Customs Union (SACU) transitioning from a Common Monetary Area (CMA) to a full monetary union. Using Southern African Development Community (SADC) convergence criteria, the authors find that while there is strong convergence in inflation, debt, and reserves, significant fiscal deficits in Lesotho and Swaziland present a major hurdle. The paper suggests that a monetary union would be beneficial and that the South African Reserve Bank (SARB) is well-positioned to lead the process.

This research paper examines South Africa's strategic role within the BRICS forum, specifically focusing on how it leverages its membership to advance African infrastructure development, regional integration, and economic restructuring under the NEPAD framework.

The National Chairman's Annual Statement of the South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA), delivered on 27 March 2013, analyzes South Africa's strategic position within a multipolar world. It discusses the role of the BRICS forum, the necessity of strengthening ties with other African regional powers, and the impact of domestic instability and military casualties in the Central African Republic on South Africa's global prestige and soft power.

The 2013 BRICS Youth Communiqué, presented by Youth@SAIIA learners at the 5th BRICS Summit in Durban, outlines recommendations for the establishment of a BRICS Development Bank (BDB). The document advocates for a bank that is independent of government political agendas, inclusive of all member nations regardless of financial status, and focused on sustainable development in the developing world.

This report examines the socio-economic challenges facing Mozambique, specifically focusing on the critical shortage of skilled labor and the constraints imposed by restrictive foreign labor regulations. It argues that Mozambique could accelerate its development by adopting a more liberal regional approach to skills transfer and professional migration, leveraging its position within the Southern African Development Community (SADC).

This briefing analyzes the political environment surrounding Kenya's 2013 elections, examining the impact of a new constitutional framework, the role of the International Criminal Court (ICC), and the persistence of ethnic tensions and socio-economic grievances.

This policy briefing analyzes the proposed corporate governance framework for Uganda's forthcoming national oil company (NOC), comparing it with the state-owned enterprise (SOE) model in Norway. The author argues that Uganda's current legislative approach is insufficient and recommends adopting stakeholder-oriented guidelines and a centralized supervisory body similar to Norway's Department of State Ownership to prevent corruption and government interference.

The research paper evaluates the Platinum Sector Peace and Stability Accord, arguing that while it provides a framework to manage conflict and prevent violence at South African platinum mines, it cannot resolve the broader socio-economic and market crises facing the industry.

This case study examines Capricorn Investment Holdings (CIH), a Namibia-based financial services group, and its regional expansion into Botswana and Zambia. It details the operational barriers CIH faces, including tax inefficiencies, regulatory uncertainty in Namibia, skill shortages, and the costs associated with duplicating IT systems to meet national central bank requirements.