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The report argues that electric vehicles (EVs) can serve as enablers for a new energy paradigm in Southern Africa, shifting the region away from coal and oil dependency. It proposes a 'Southern African Green New Deal' and identifies five systemic innovations: transforming automakers into energy companies, implementing EV-enabled demand-side response services, transitioning consumers to 'prosumers' via peer-to-peer trading, deploying localized distributed energy resource (DER) networks using blockchain, and reskilling the workforce for green jobs. The analysis emphasizes that while South Africa's current grid is coal-heavy, EVs still offer lifecycle GHG reductions and can accelerate the decarbonization of power generation.

The document examines how the COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated existing debt distress in Africa, where average debt-to-GDP ratios rose from 60% to 70%. It critiques the G20/Paris Debt Service Suspension Initiative (DSSI) for its limited scope, noting that private creditors and multilateral development banks (MDBs) have largely refused to participate. The brief highlights the role of credit rating agencies in discouraging participation due to fears of downgrades and argues that many nations face solvency crises rather than temporary liquidity issues. It recommends extending the DSSI, reallocating IMF Special Drawing Rights, and establishing a permanent UN-led forum for debt monitoring and restructuring.

The document analyzes the conflict between trade liberalisation, supported by developed nations, and food sovereignty, advocated by developing nations. It argues that while trade can increase food availability, it often sidelines smallholder farmers and creates dependencies. The author recommends that the G20 synchronise domestic policies and implement the 2008 L’Aquila Food Security Initiative (AFSI) to support local food systems. For the UN World Food Systems Summit, the brief suggests creating a framework for private sector participation and transforming food systems to be more inclusive and sustainable, particularly in the wake of COVID-19 and the US-China trade war.

The paper advocates for a regional approach to the electrical vehicle-related minerals and metals (EVMM) industry in Southern Africa, suggesting that SADC member states redefine 'local content' to include the entire region. It recommends the creation of a public-private EVMM working group and a regional coordinating coalition to ensure sustainable supply chains. The author emphasizes the need to ratify the SADC Industrial Development Policy Framework and align national mining visions with the African Mining Vision. Additionally, the document calls for a circular economy approach to mining waste and the inclusion of both artisanal and large-scale mining to ensure decent job creation and community well-being.

The report examines youth climate advocacy in Africa, highlighting the role of civil society, government policies, and the challenges of the digital divide. It argues for a shift from tokenistic inclusion to meaningful participation, where youth are recognized as active agents of change in policymaking and implementation.

The document examines the coordinated response of African regional bodies and the specific national strategies of South Africa and Nigeria during the COVID-19 pandemic. It highlights the role of the Africa CDC and AU in fostering continental cooperation, while contrasting the high-testing, strict-lockdown approach of South Africa with Nigeria's reliance on existing polio and Ebola infrastructure. The paper argues that while health measures were often proactive, the socio-economic fallout—including job losses, increased poverty, and human rights violations by security forces—will have a more lasting impact than the virus itself.

The document analyzes 'China-powered' agency in the DRC, dividing the period into two phases. From 2007 to 2009, the Kabila regime successfully used the Sicomines agreement to play China and the IMF against each other, securing both infrastructure loans and debt relief. However, from 2010 to 2019, this agency diminished as China shifted toward a more cautious diplomatic approach, prioritizing private investment over state-backed mega-deals and seeking to be viewed as a responsible international actor. The author concludes that such agency is circumscribed and depends entirely on China's own strategic interests.

The document argues that Latin American countries failed to coordinate their COVID-19 responses, contrasting this with the coordinated efforts seen in Africa. It highlights how the dismantling of regional health mechanisms, political denialism in Brazil and Mexico, and the instrumentalisation of multilateral organisations like PAHO hampered the region's ability to manage the crisis. The author notes that this lack of coordination, combined with underfunded healthcare systems and pre-existing economic vulnerabilities, led to high death rates and severe economic contractions, disproportionately affecting women and those in informal settlements.

The policy brief examines the health diplomacy of the US and China during the COVID-19 pandemic, specifically focusing on Africa and Latin America. It argues that while both powers used health aid to gain diplomatic ground, China committed more new resources and employed a multi-actor approach, whereas the US relied heavily on pre-existing frameworks like PEPFAR. The document also analyzes systemic impacts, such as the disruption of global supply chains and the rise of nationalism over multilateralism, and highlights the critical need for health equity and global cooperation to manage future public health crises.

The report analyzes Russia's strategic return to Africa, driven by Western sanctions and falling oil prices. It focuses on Zimbabwe and Mozambique, highlighting a pattern of elite-directed cooperation centered on extractive industries, arms trade, and political support. While Russia's economic footprint is significantly smaller than China's, it leverages an 'anti-West narrative' and a high tolerance for corruption to secure access to natural resources and political loyalty, often utilizing proxy organizations for election monitoring and paramilitary groups for security.

The report highlights the potential for e-mobility, specifically low-speed electric vehicles (LSEVs) and micromobility, to provide affordable transport in the SADC region. It identifies infrastructure gaps and a lack of political will as primary barriers, while suggesting that the region's strategic mineral reserves could provide global bargaining power. The author advocates for the use of existing frameworks like the SADC RISDP 2020–30 and the Green Economy Strategy to accelerate the transition and recommends that South Africa join the IEA's Electric Vehicles Initiative.

The document examines the conflict in Cabo Delgado, Mozambique, asserting that while the violence is framed as militant Islam, it is rooted in long-term structural problems. It highlights how the discovery of rubies and offshore natural gas led to a 'resource scramble' that marginalised local communities and fostered grievances. The author notes that the Mozambican government's inept security response and the poor state of its military have further exacerbated the crisis. The brief concludes by comparing the situation to the Niger Delta in Nigeria, warning that without addressing socio-economic inequalities and improving governance, military interventions will be insufficient.

The document advocates for a regional political approach to resolve instability in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and the wider Great Lakes region. It highlights the opportunity presented by President Félix Tshisekedi's leadership to revitalize regional relations but warns that international actors must stop prioritizing regime stability over democratic institutions in countries like Rwanda and Uganda. A central driver of conflict is identified as a 'regional mafia' of military, political, and business actors from the DRC, Rwanda, Uganda, and Burundi who profit from the illegal mineral trade, necessitating that any political dialogue explicitly address the illegal exploitation of natural resources.

The South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) convened a youth working meeting on 8 October 2020 to determine the priorities for a civil society submission to the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). Participants defined a 'picture of success' for South Africa, emphasizing the need for committed leadership, youth representation in decision-making, and the eradication of gender-based violence and corruption. The meeting identified a broad range of governance concerns, including unemployment, climate change, and the digital divide, which will be organized into 12 working groups to develop evidence-based recommendations by January 2021.

South Africa demonstrated strong leadership as AU chair by coordinating a continental response to COVID-19, including the establishment of regional task forces and a medical supplies platform. However, this soft power is undermined by persistent institutionalised xenophobia and a 'South Africans first' political discourse that marginalises African migrants. The author argues that domestic treatment of African nationals is a critical indicator of South Africa's leadership potential and warns that economic instability and corruption further exacerbate these internal cleavages.

The policy brief proposes restructuring South African governance by establishing a National Strategy and Development Council (NSDC) in the presidency. This body would transform existing cabinet clusters into directorates to ensure policy continuity and prevent ministers from making uncoordinated, sector-specific decisions. Specifically, it suggests an International Relations Trade and Security (IRTS) directorate supported by an independent, non-governmental Council on International Relations and Cooperation (CIRC) to provide expert advice and research, moving away from a 'party-state' model toward a disciplined 'developmental state'.

The document examines how SADC member states can leverage their vast reserves of EV-related minerals and metals (EVMM) to move from raw material export to regional beneficiation. It highlights the need for a public-private EVMM working group and coalition to coordinate value chains, formalise artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM), and implement a circular economy approach to mining waste. The brief emphasizes that a regional 'green deal' and the finalisation of the Africa Mining Vision (AMV) are essential for a just transition to a low-carbon economy.

The document examines how Covid-19 triggered financial instability in Africa through capital outflows, falling commodity prices, and sovereign credit downgrades, while recommending the development of local capital markets and continental policy coordination to enhance resilience.

The document analyzes the drivers of instability in the Great Lakes region, emphasizing that while the DRC's governance failures are often blamed, the political repression and economic interests of Rwanda, Uganda, and Burundi are equally significant. It highlights the role of illegal mineral extraction and the export of internal political conflicts into the eastern DRC. The author suggests that the presidency of Félix Tshisekedi provides an opportunity for a positive shift in regional dynamics, provided there is a fundamental reframing of the conflict narrative and a shift in international diplomatic approaches. The paper evaluates existing frameworks like the Peace, Security and Cooperation Framework (PSCF) and recommends a high-level mediation process led by the African Union.

Djibouti leverages its strategic position at the Bab el Mandab strait to maintain agency despite a highly asymmetrical relationship with China. While China has become a primary creditor and infrastructure provider through the Belt and Road Initiative, Djibouti manages this influence by hosting multiple foreign military bases and diversifying its economic partnerships with the US, France, and Saudi Arabia. President Ismail Omar Guelleh has recently worked to reduce China's dominance by renegotiating loans and postponing projects to avoid excessive debt distress.