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The research paper analyzes the shift in Turkey's diaspora policy from treating migrants as a liability to viewing them as strategic assets for 'nation-branding' and public diplomacy. It focuses on Germany as a primary hub for these interactions, detailing how the AKP government uses institutions like the Presidency for Turks Abroad and Related Communities (YTB) and the Diyanet to mobilize loyalists while monitoring and suppressing dissidents. The authors argue that these extraterritorial measures, including transnational election campaigns and surveillance, have strained Turkey's diplomatic relations with European host countries and exacerbated polarizations within the diaspora community.

The document analyzes the relationship between the Turkish government under the AKP and the Muslim minority in Western Thrace, Greece. It argues that Turkish policy shifted from a pro-Western, democratic approach in the early 2000s to a nationalist project that views the minority as a political tool for regional hegemony. This shift is linked to the 'Strategic Depth' ideology of Ahmet Davutoğlu and the domestic political needs of the AKP, leading to increased tensions with Greece, particularly after the 2016 coup attempt.

The document analyzes the historical shift in Turkey's relationship with Cyprus, moving from a period of 'national excitement' and securitization to a more paternalistic and neoliberal approach under the AKP government. It details how Turkish Cypriots, once seen as 'blood brothers', are increasingly perceived by some in Turkey as 'ungrateful' or 'degenerate' due to secularism and a perceived lack of religious identity. The authors also examine the role of Turkish settlers in north Cyprus, who have become targets of AKP diaspora politics, creating new political polarizations on the island.

The report evaluates the EU's Green Line Regulation (GLR) as a tool for liberal peace-building in Cyprus. While legally successful in providing a basis for movement across the divide, it has been only partially successful in generating economic activity. This failure is attributed to design flaws in the GLR and domestic legal, political, and psychological barriers.

The author develops a Focused Information Criterion (FIC) for dynamic multinomial logit models, specifically designed to select models that provide the most precise estimate of a specific focus parameter rather than the model closest to the true data-generating mechanism. The thesis establishes the asymptotic theory for maximum likelihood estimators under model misspecification for these models, proving they are consistent and approximately normally distributed. Through simulation studies, the author verifies that the FIC effectively identifies models with the lowest true mean squared error for various focus parameters. The methodology is applied to the Militarized Interstate Disputes (MID) dataset (19502010), focusing on the probability of conflict escalation. The analysis indicates a tendency for higher democracy levels to lower escalation probabilities, although these findings are not statistically significant.

The document analyzes how Empresas Públicas de Medellín (EPM), a hybrid public-private utility company, contributed to reducing violence and inequality in Medellín through financial support for social urbanism and the creation of participatory public spaces. It highlights the symbiotic relationship between EPM and the municipal government, noting that EPM's investments in vulnerable areas improved both city security and the company's own operational profitability.

The dissertation examines the friction between the sedentary, national design of the Norwegian welfare state and the increasing prevalence of transnational living. Through interviews with 39 bureaucrats, the author finds that while transnationalism is viewed as a 'new norm' and approached with general inclusivity, there is significant institutional uncertainty and a lack of a coherent national policy. The study highlights how bureaucrats use a mix of formal and informal categories to manage complexity and how the system adapts through a combination of individual bureaucratic entrepreneurship and top-down restructuring that seeks to mainstream transnational work into national structures.

The document examines the transition in Sudan after the ousting of Omar al-Bashir, highlighting the tension between the civilian-led Forces for Freedom and Change (FFC) and the military-led Transitional Military Council (TMC). It argues that while regime change occurred on paper, the 'Islamic security state' remains influential. The author outlines five scenarios ranging from a return to the status quo or civil war to successful systemic reform, emphasizing that economic recovery and security sector transformation are critical for success.

The report finds a significant gap between the essential role women play in local conflict resolution and their near-absence from national peace mechanisms, such as those established by the Algiers Accord. While women often act as mediators and influencers within their communities, their participation is frequently circumstantial, irregular, and constrained by traditional and religious norms that confine them to the domestic sphere. The study highlights a widespread lack of knowledge regarding the Algiers Accord and UN Security Council Resolution 1325 among the general population, particularly women who are not part of formal associations. It argues that sustainable peace requires the empowerment of women, the engagement of traditional and religious leaders as allies, and the creation of decentralized structures to integrate local female expertise into national peace discussions.

The study finds that internal armed conflict generally leads to a net negative change in women's labour rights during and immediately after conflict. While some qualitative literature suggests conflicts can create opportunities for women's employment, this large-n analysis indicates that negative mechanisms—such as post-conflict insecurity, violence, and a return to traditional gender roles—outweigh potential gains.

The document introduces a collective volume analyzing the shifting security and geopolitical landscape of the Eastern Mediterranean. It identifies four primary drivers of change: hydrocarbon discoveries, geopolitical antagonisms (particularly involving Turkey), new human security imperatives resulting from Middle Eastern instability, and increased interest from external powers like the US, Russia, and China. The text focuses on the formation of trilateral partnerships (Cyprus-Greece-Israel and Cyprus-Egypt-Greece) as a balancing act against Turkey's regional power projection and explores how these alliances intersect with energy security and the broader refugee crisis affecting Southern Europe.

The document examines the discovery of natural gas in the Eastern Mediterranean and the subsequent formation of political alliances between Greece, Cyprus, Israel, and Egypt. It evaluates three primary monetisation strategies: the East Med pipeline to Europe, a pipeline to Turkey, and a triangular strategy using Egypt as a gas hub. The author argues that while these projects are politically desirable for regional security and EU diversification, they face severe technical, financial, and geopolitical obstacles—including high construction costs, seismic risks, and volatile global gas prices—that may render them commercially unviable.

The paper analyzes the dual perception of the Mediterranean as both a 'threatening' and 'bridging' sea. It details the transition of Turkey from the Ottoman Empire to a secular republic based on a constructed Hittite identity, and compares this to Israel's own nation-building. The author argues that Israel, Greece, and Cyprus share common interests as small non-Muslim states facing external coercion and the decline of Middle Eastern Christianity, leading to increased military and intelligence cooperation.

The document argues that a combination of systemic shifts—including a regional power vacuum, the discovery of hydrocarbons, and a more hostile Turkish foreign policy—and the pro-Western orientation of the Nikos Anastasiades government enabled Cyprus to move from a reactive to a proactive foreign policy. This shift is manifested in 'trilateral partnerships' with Greece, Israel, and Egypt, which serve as a balancing strategy against Turkey. While these efforts have enhanced Cyprus's regional role and security, the author suggests they may have led the government to overlook the domestic and intercommunal complexities of the Cyprus Problem.

The document analyzes Greece's strategic shift in the Eastern Mediterranean, emphasizing the role of personal beliefs of policymakers like Nikos Kotzias in shaping a 'diverse active policy'. It details Greece's efforts to establish trilateral partnerships with Israel, Egypt, and Cyprus to counter Turkish influence and leverage hydrocarbon discoveries. Central to this strategy is the ambition to become a regional energy hub through projects like the EastMed pipeline and electrical interconnectors, while positioning Greece as an 'exporter of stability' within a 'triangle of instability' comprising Ukraine, Libya, and Syria.

The document examines the geopolitical motivations driving the partnership between Egypt, Greece, and Cyprus, particularly following the election of Abdel-Fattah al-Sisi in 2014. It analyzes the role of massive natural gas discoveries in the Eastern Mediterranean and the shared desire to counter Turkish influence. The author distinguishes between a rigid military alliance and a flexible 'entente,' concluding that the trilateral relationship is the latter, as it lacks binding commitments for military intervention during conflict.

The document analyzes Turkey's ambition to become a regional energy hub and how this goal conflicts with its assertive geostrategic vision and the emerging energy partnerships of other Eastern Mediterranean states. It details Turkey's use of 'gunboat diplomacy' and naval presence to protect the sovereign rights of Turkey and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) against the Republic of Cyprus (RoC) and its allies. The authors argue that the current security architecture, characterized by trilateral partnerships and maritime boundary disputes, creates a challenge for Turkish policymakers attempting to reconcile energy ambitions with national security and sovereignty claims.

The report examines the shift in Eastern Mediterranean geopolitics driven by hydrocarbon discoveries and the formation of trilateral partnerships (Greece-Cyprus-Israel and Greece-Cyprus-Egypt). It analyzes these alliances as a balancing act against Turkey's regional power projection and assertive foreign policy. While energy is a primary driver, the report notes that technical, economic, and political obstacles—such as the viability of the EastMed pipeline and maritime boundary disputes—hinder full monetization of gas reserves. The text also explores the domestic drivers of foreign policy in Cyprus and Greece, the historical perceptions of the region from an Israeli perspective, and Turkey's strategic ambition to become a regional energy hub.

The report examines the 'trust crisis' between Polish immigrants and the Norwegian child welfare services (barnevernet), comparing institutional approaches in Norway and Poland. It identifies that trust is influenced by communication, cultural competence, and socio-economic factors, while highlighting a significant lack of English-language research on the topic. Key findings suggest that immigrant parents often perceive child welfare services as a threat rather than a support system, and that the effectiveness of interventions depends on the caseworker's ability to provide clear information and respect the family's needs.

The report examines the 'crisis of trust' between migrant families—particularly Polish migrants in Norway—and child welfare services (CWS). It analyzes how institutional structures, communication barriers, and cultural differences influence trust. The authors find that while Norway's CWS is generally child-centric and Poland's is more child-protective, both face challenges in building rapport with minority populations. Key findings highlight that trust is often based on personal experience rather than institutional reputation, and that a lack of cultural competence among social workers can lead to 'culturalization,' where poverty or education gaps are misattributed to cultural flaws. The document concludes that improving trust requires better communication strategies, enhanced cross-cultural training for professionals, and more robust, representative research on migrant experiences.