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The text advocates for demilitarisation based on the premise that traditional military deterrence is often outdated and that security can be more cost-effectively achieved through non-violent means and human security frameworks. It proposes replacing 'rules of thumb' for military spending with rational cost-effectiveness analysis and objective security assessments. The author suggests that transparency in military budgeting is necessary for parliamentary oversight and that a 'National Ministry of Peacebuilding' should be established to manage the transition. While acknowledging the difficulty of generating a domestic 'peace dividend' in developing nations, the document highlights the potential for long-term economic and social gains through the reallocation of resources from military to civilian sectors.

The document examines the demobilisation and reintegration of military personnel across various African nations, arguing that while downsizing armed forces can potentially free resources for development and serve as a confidence-building measure, the actual impact is not automatic. It highlights that high costs of resettlement and reintegration often offset short-term financial gains. The author emphasizes that successful demobilisation depends heavily on political will, the institutional environment, and the availability of sustainable economic opportunities for ex-combatants to prevent the reoccurrence of conflict.

The author proposes the establishment of a Ministry for Peacebuilding to shift government focus from military-centric security to a 'culture of peace.' This proposed ministry would be responsible for promoting non-violence, managing disarmament, overseeing the conversion of military facilities to civilian use, and redefining national security to include human rights and environmental concerns. The text suggests that such an institution would provide a necessary counter-perspective to the Ministry of Defence and argues that peacebuilding is more effectively carried out by civilians than by military personnel.

Annexure III to the Comprehensive Cease-Fire Agreement outlines the framework for the transformation, modernization, and integration of the Defence and Security Forces in Burundi, emphasizing oversight by international bodies and the inclusion of the Palipehutu-FNL.

The document provides a list of 121 countries ranked by the Global Peace Index, which was compiled by the Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU) using nearly 3,000 data points and 4,000 points relating to the drivers of peace. Norway is ranked first, while Iraq is ranked 121st.

This document is a draft agenda for the Twelfth Ordinary Session of the Assembly of the African Union, scheduled for February 1-3, 2009, in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

A joint declaration from the European Commission and the African Union Commission following their fourth College-to-College meeting on 1 October 2008 in Brussels. The document outlines agreements to implement the Africa-EU Strategic Partnership across eight thematic areas, including security, governance, economic integration, health, energy, climate change, migration, and science and technology.

The report details a seminar held in Addis Ababa on February 12, 2009, which analyzed the outcomes of the 12th Ordinary Summit of the African Union. Key discussions focused on the low implementation rate of AU Assembly decisions, the legal challenges of transforming the AU Commission into an Authority, and the AU's response to the International Criminal Court's indictment of the President of Sudan.

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The document details a seminar on the African Union's (AU) response to unconstitutional changes of government, specifically military coups. It evaluates the Lomé Declaration and the AU's consistency in applying sanctions, while proposing reforms to address poor governance and presidential term limits to prevent future instability.

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The report examines the Rhodesian government's attempt to apply 'stability operations'—combining internal defence and development—to counter insurgency. It details the evolution of psychological warfare units, from the informal Sheppard group to the formal 1 Psychological Operations Unit and the Directorate of Psychological Warfare. The analysis highlights a consistent failure to achieve 'hearts and minds' due to a reliance on force, racial paternalism, and a lack of genuine civic action. Specific failures are noted in food control (Operation Turkey), disinformation campaigns (Operation Splitshot), and the manipulation of spirit mediums, concluding that the state's emphasis on the 'iron fist' over the 'velvet glove' rendered its psychological efforts ineffective.

The report examines the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), detailing its origins in 1963 and its initial commitment to sovereignty and non-interference. It analyzes the OAU's shift in the 1990s toward conflict prevention, highlighted by the 1993 establishment of the Mechanism for preventing, managing, and resolving conflicts. The text also discusses the devastating impact of armed conflict on African development, including the destruction of infrastructure, loss of skilled manpower, and environmental degradation, while noting the OAU's challenges with funding and information gathering.

The document analyzes the impact of HIV/AIDS on the Zimbabwe Defence Force (ZDF), noting high prevalence rates and the risks associated with external deployments, such as in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It evaluates the ZDF's recruitment and in-service policies, highlighting a shift toward admitting only HIV-negative recruits. The report also discusses the broader national context of HIV/AIDS in Zimbabwe, including a reported decline in adult prevalence to 20.1% by 2005, and recommends stronger civil-military cooperation and adherence to international non-discrimination standards.

The report examines the role of arms control, specifically the monitoring of light weapons, as a tool for conflict prevention. It argues that traditional arms control often follows conflict resolution, whereas an early warning approach would identify 'excessive and destabilising' accumulations of weapons before violence erupts. The author proposes a five-element early warning process—information gathering, sharing, analysis, risk identification, and strategic response—and suggests specific monitoring targets such as smuggling networks and state-owned stocks. Using Southern Africa as a primary example, the text highlights the spread of weapons from conflict zones like Angola and Mozambique into neighboring states and advocates for regional cooperation, such as that seen between South Africa and Mozambique in destroying arms caches. The document concludes by recommending that countries improve transparency in arms exports and harmonize regional legislation to curb the flow of light weapons.

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The document traces the evolution of restorative justice in South Africa, starting with the first victim-offender mediation (VOM) projects in 1992. It details the roles of various NGOs, such as NICRO and the Restorative Justice Centre, and the influence of international models from the US, New Zealand, and Canada. The text also explores 'non-state justice' initiatives like community courts and peace committees in the Western and Eastern Cape, as well as the South African government's theoretical openness to restorative justice and its integration into child justice and professional training.

The document is an executive summary of a study documenting over sixty restorative justice projects in South Africa. It evaluates services provided by probation, correctional services, civil society, traditional leaders, and other support sectors, concluding that while some 'pockets of good activity' exist, they are insufficient to meet actual needs and are severely limited by a lack of proper funding arrangements.

The author argues that DDR processes often fail because they prioritize the visible technical aspects of disarmament and demobilisation over the difficult task of reintegration. In West Africa and the Great Lakes region, 'conflict economies' and the desire of local actors to retain power undermine peace accords. The document suggests that without transitioning from a conflict economy to a peace economy and addressing political grievances, DDR cannot prevent a return to violence.

The paper examines how Zambia manages competing public needs through macroeconomic reforms and growth stimulation. It details the transition from state-led economic management to a liberalised system, focusing on GDP growth, inflation control, and interest rate reductions to expand the state's resource envelope.