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The document argues that climate finance priorities should be driven by local environmental and developmental needs rather than donor preferences. It advocates for a bottom-up approach, the delinking of public and private funding to prevent profit-driven motives from overriding social needs, and the implementation of rigorous safeguards to ensure the integrity of emission-reducing projects. The brief emphasizes the need for downward accountability to affected communities, inclusive decision-making, and the protection of indigenous livelihoods to prevent climate finance from becoming a source of social instability or conflict.

The April 2011 elections in Nigeria were viewed as a significant improvement over previous polls, though they were marred by pre-election violence and post-election unrest in the north. Incumbent President Goodluck Jonathan won the presidency with 58.89% of the vote, while his rival Muhammadu Buhari dominated the northern states. The document highlights deep-seated systemic issues, including the 'resource curse' of oil, widespread corruption among the political elite, and the collapse of the 'zoning' consensus intended to balance regional power. Despite the role of a vibrant civil society and an independent judiciary, the author argues that without visionary leadership and major reforms in the oil industry and public sector, the prospect of genuine good governance remains slim.

The 2011 Ugandan elections resulted in a fourth term for President Yoweri Museveni, who secured 68.38% of the vote. While some regional observers deemed the process free and fair, international bodies like the EU and AU cited widespread irregularities, including voter bribery, ballot stuffing, and intimidation. The report highlights significant internal tensions, such as the conflict with the Buganda kingdom and the potential for resource-based conflict following oil discoveries in Buliisa and Amaru districts. Regionally, Museveni's victory maintains his influence in the East African Community and his commitment to an East African Federation, despite ongoing security threats from Al-Shabaab and allegations of interference in the DRC.

The report details the 2011 Djiboutian presidential elections, which saw President Ismail Omar Guelleh re-elected for a third term with 80.56% of the vote following a boycott by the main opposition coalition, the Union for a Democratic Alternative (UAD). The author argues that the electoral process was far from competitive due to the fusion of the ruling Union for a Presidential Majority (UMP) with the state apparatus and the removal of presidential term limits in 2010. The document also highlights internal instability, including violent youth protests in February 2011 and ethnic tensions between the Issa and Afar groups. Externally, it describes the strategic military presence of France and the US, and the volatile border relationship with Eritrea, which was partially mitigated by Qatari mediation in 2010.

The document examines the humanitarian and economic dangers of poorly managed military weapons stockpiles in Africa, noting at least 27 known explosions between 1998 and 2011. It analyzes international and regional agreements—such as the UN Programme of Action and the SADC Firearms Protocol—and argues that a lack of transparency, inadequate physical security, and insufficient technical capacity lead to preventable disasters. Case studies of Mozambique and Tanzania illustrate the devastating impact of these explosions on civilian populations and the challenges of implementing national inventories and secure storage standards.

The briefing examines the status of the BTWC in Africa during the Seventh Review Conference in December 2011. It highlights that while 37 African countries are States Parties, several others have either signed without ratifying or remain non-members. The author argues that universalisation is hindered by a lack of resources and domestic legislation, and suggests that the BTWC should be framed within a developmental context to increase engagement. Key recommendations include strengthening the Implementation Support Unit (ISU), improving biosafety measures in African laboratories, and engaging the African Union to address the perception that weapons of mass destruction (WMD) are primarily a concern of the developed world.

The document is a workshop report detailing the regional dimensions of conflict in the Great Lakes Region of Africa. It examines how the proliferation of small arms and light weapons (SALW), the illegal exploitation of natural resources, and forced displacement create a cycle of instability. The report analyzes the role of regional bodies like the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR) and the East African Community (EAC) in promoting sustainable peace, while highlighting systemic challenges such as weak governance, impunity for human rights violations, and a dependence on external funding.

The document examines the 2011 uprisings in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya, alongside the political responses in Algeria and Morocco. It identifies systemic corruption, youth unemployment, and political exclusion as primary drivers. It specifically analyzes the Libyan civil war, the role of the African Union and European Union, and the potential for these revolutionary dynamics to spread to Sub-Saharan Africa. The report concludes that the African Union's response was slow and lacked a clear framework for dealing with popular democratic revolutions compared to military coups.

The report investigates how positions are formulated within the African Union (AU) and Regional Economic Communities (RECs), highlighting the tension between intergovernmentalism and supranationalism. It uses the 2009 Copenhagen climate negotiations as a case study to show how national interests and regional rivalries—such as those between Ethiopia and Sudan—undermine a unified African voice. The document also critiques the EU's approach to Africa, particularly the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs), arguing that the EU often ignores the complexity of African regional dynamics. Finally, it assesses peace and security architectures in Southern Africa (SADC) and the Horn of Africa (IGAD), noting that external financial incentives often drive missions that lack a solid local mandate.

The report examines the tension between national sovereignty and supranationalism in African decision-making, highlighting the role of the African Union (AU) and Regional Economic Communities (RECs). It analyzes the complexities of forming 'African Common Positions', using the 2009 Copenhagen climate negotiations as a case study, and critiques the EU's approach to partnership, specifically regarding Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs). The document also explores security architectures in the Horn of Africa and Southern Africa, noting the influence of external actors and the challenges of multi-membership in regional bodies.

The Treaty of Pelindaba establishes Africa as a nuclear-weapon-free zone, prohibiting the development, testing, and stationing of nuclear explosive devices. Entered into force on 15 July 2009, the treaty requires member states to renounce nuclear weapons and implement strict non-proliferation measures for peaceful nuclear energy use. It establishes the African Commission on Nuclear Energy (AFCONE) for compliance monitoring and includes three protocols for non-African nuclear-weapon states and those controlling territories within the zone. As of March 2011, 31 African Union members have ratified the treaty.

The document argues that rule of law (RoL) development in Africa is primarily a political rather than a technical exercise, criticizing the traditional 'institutional capacity development' model used by donors. It advocates for a shift toward service-delivery and problem-solving approaches that recognize legal pluralism, engage legitimate local justice providers, and address the political interests of domestic elites who may oppose RoL reforms. The report highlights specific challenges such as extreme pre-trial detention rates, gender-based violence, and the complexities of international criminal justice via the ICC, while suggesting that sustainability is best achieved through community-driven projects and the integration of international human rights law into national domestic legislation.

The report examines the potential secession of Southern Sudan, highlighting unresolved issues such as border demarcation and oil revenue division. It assesses the risks of the new state becoming a 'weak state' with limited control over its borders and the proliferation of small arms, while also noting opportunities for regional economic integration and trade with Kenya and Uganda.

South Africa is a signatory to the Convention on Cluster Munitions (CCM) and has indicated that ratification will soon be referred to Parliament. While the government has not disclosed the exact size of its cluster munition stockpile, it has acknowledged possessing obsolete munitions earmarked for destruction and is preparing a disposal plan. South Africa continues to engage in international disarmament forums, including the UN General Assembly and the Convention on Conventional Weapons (CCW), while supporting a comprehensive ban on cluster weapons.

The document details a seminar presentation by Chief Superintendent Vance B Gariba and a response by Dr Emmanuel Kisiangani regarding the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM). It examines the historical context of Somalia's instability, the mandate and achievements of AMISOM—including the training of over 2,000 Somali police—and the systemic failures of the Transitional Federal Government (TFG). The discussion highlights critical gaps in AMISOM's mandate, such as the lack of civilian protection, and suggests that long-term stability requires transformative institutional building and potential political engagement with Al Shabaab leaders.

The report argues that a well-functioning security sector is the foundation of state stability and that defence must be integrated into government-wide structures to be effective. It critiques traditional 'civil-military relations' theories that view the military primarily as a threat to be controlled, suggesting instead that the military should be seen as a public service providing force or the threat of force to support state policy. The author emphasizes a 'task-based' rather than 'threat-based' approach to security policy and advocates for integrated hierarchies in ministries of defence to foster cooperation between civilian and military personnel. The text also details the technical aspects of intelligence collection, the management of defence budgets, and the importance of democratic accountability through parliament and transparency.

The report documents a 2010 conference of the South African Civil Society Energy Caucus, focusing on the lack of transparency and public participation in the development of the second Integrated Resource Plan (IRP2). It critiques the government's continued reliance on coal and nuclear power, highlighting the failures of the Pebble Bed Modular Reactor (PBMR) and the environmental risks of radioactive waste in the Witwatersrand goldfields. The document advocates for a 'just transition' toward renewable energy, specifically wind and solar, while calling for an independent system operator to resolve conflicts of interest within Eskom.

The document evaluates the Multi-country Demobilisation and Reintegration Programme (MDRP), which operated from 2002 to 2009 to support ex-combatants in the Great Lakes Region. It highlights the shift from MDRP to the Transitional Demobilisation and Reintegration Programme (TDRP) and examines the specific challenges of reintegration in the Republic of Congo, Central African Republic, and Liberia. Key findings emphasize the risks of 'arms for cash' approaches, the difficulty of sustainable economic reintegration, and the necessity of linking DDR processes with broader security sector reform and community development.

The document analyzes the emergence of political Islam and extremist movements in North Africa, arguing that poverty, unemployment, and political exclusion drive youth toward extreme ideologies. It examines various movements, from the Muslim Brotherhood's transnational networks to the violent activities of Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) and the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group (LIFG). The text highlights how North African states have used 'triangulation'—playing different Islamist factions against each other—to maintain stability, while also noting the role of transnational 'ummah' identities in blurring national borders.

The report argues that carbon trading is an ineffective and often corrupt mechanism for addressing climate change in Africa. It examines the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) and voluntary markets, finding that they frequently favor large industrial polluters over sustainable development and marginalize local communities. Through case studies in South Africa, Uganda, and Ethiopia, the authors illustrate how 'additionality' is often fabricated and how projects can lead to land grabs or the subsidization of fossil fuel expansion. The document concludes that the carbon market is structurally flawed and should be abolished in favor of direct public funding and low-carbon development pathways based on historical responsibility.