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The document assesses the UN Security Council's mandate to maintain international peace and security, highlighting a disconnect between its legal authority and its practical effectiveness. It argues that the Council's current structure, particularly the veto power of the five permanent members (P5), often leads to paralysis in the face of global crises. The text advocates for comprehensive reform to make the Council more representative of the modern geopolitical landscape, specifically mentioning the need for fairer representation for Africa and other regions to restore the body's legitimacy and operational capacity.

The policy brief examines how private sector development (PSD) in fragile states often exacerbates conflict by mirroring patronage politics and corruption. It argues that PSD should be treated as a continuation of peace negotiations, requiring broad-based social and political consensus on economic matters. The author recommends that the UN Peacebuilding Commission (PBC) leverage its mandate to promote 'peace-positive' PSD, which prioritizes the reduction of horizontal inequalities, stimulates broad-based growth, and utilizes 'infrastructures for peace' to manage conflict risks. The brief suggests that companies should be treated as partners in peacebuilding, with their access to opportunities conditioned on their accountability for impacts.

The document argues that Southern Africa urgently needs climate adaptation funding, specifically for planned relocation, to protect populations from slow-onset climate impacts. It highlights a significant gap in adaptation finance, noting that most funding is directed toward mitigation or countries with high institutional capacity rather than the most vulnerable. The author advocates for planned relocation as a last-resort, voluntary, and developmental tool, warning against the poor outcomes associated with forced or poorly managed historical resettlements.

The document examines the shift in Mozambique's strategy from treating the Cabo Delgado insurgency as a criminal matter to accepting international military support. It details the failures of the Russian Wagner Group, the role of the Dyck Advisory Group, and the subsequent deployments of Rwandan forces and the SADC Military Mission (SAMIM). While foreign troops have achieved quick gains, such as recovering Mocímboa da Praia, the brief highlights a critical lack of transparency regarding bilateral agreements and warns that insurgents are now dispersing into smaller groups in southern districts.

The document argues that the creation of the African Union's Department of Political Affairs, Peace and Security (DPAPS) was primarily a financial cost-cutting exercise rather than a strategic move toward integrated crisis response. It identifies critical gaps in coordination between the African Governance Architecture (AGA) and the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), noting a risk that military and reactive approaches will continue to be prioritized over political and preventive diplomacy. The authors recommend establishing standard operating procedures, creating a strategic coordination unit (possibly a Chief of Staff), and harmonizing funding instruments to ensure sustainable support for conflict prevention. Politically, the brief emphasizes the need for a clear legal definition of subsidiarity between the AU and Regional Economic Communities (RECs) and increased engagement of the AUC Chairperson in Peace and Security Council (PSC) proceedings.

The policy brief examines the lack of a uniform definition of violence prevention in South Africa, presenting perspectives from children, researchers, NGOs, government officials, and private sector partners. It argues that effective prevention requires moving beyond criminal justice responses to address structural drivers such as poverty, inequality, and patriarchy through a collective, multi-layered social compact.

The document evaluates the Eyethu Soccer League, a gender-tailored intervention for young men in Cape Town designed to reduce violence, HIV risk, and substance use. Despite being well-resourced and based on cognitive-behavioural therapy, a cluster randomised controlled trial involving 1,200 participants found few effects on risk behaviours, with no reported changes in violence perpetration or mental health. The brief concludes that social skills-based programmes are often unable to disrupt the structural factors shaping negative outcomes and recommends that public safety policies avoid 'easy wins' in favour of evidence-based, structurally integrated, and early-childhood interventions.

The review finds that effective violence prevention in South Africa must be context-responsive, culturally relevant, and trauma-informed, often requiring multilevel interventions that combine social support with economic empowerment. It highlights that while laws and policies provide essential building blocks, sustainable change requires community mobilisation and the addressing of structural determinants like poverty and spatial marginalisation.

The report examines the mechanism of Common African Positions (CAPs) used by the African Union to articulate collective interests on the global stage. While highlighting successes such as the Post-2015 Development Agenda and the Position on Asset Recovery, it identifies critical weaknesses including a lack of member state ownership, over-dependence on external funding, and a disconnect between AU headquarters in Addis Ababa and multilateral diplomatic hubs. The author argues that for CAPs to be effective, the AU must move toward more inclusive, participatory processes and ensure that member states, rather than AU bureaucracy, drive the advocacy and implementation of these positions.

The report highlights a gap between the existing policy frameworks and the actual operational capabilities of countries in the Western Indian Ocean to respond to marine pollution. It uses the 2020 MV Wakashio grounding in Mauritius to demonstrate that national contingency plans alone are insufficient. The author argues that regional cooperation is hindered by limited funding and technical capacity, and recommends the urgent adoption of the draft regional contingency plan and the creation of a Regional Coordination Centre, likely hosted by South Africa, to standardise training and response efforts.

The report examines how land conflict in South Sudan is rooted in historical grievances and exacerbated by civil wars, leading to widespread land grabbing by military and political elites. It highlights the failure of the 2018 Revitalised Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in South Sudan (R-ARCSS) to explicitly address land within its transitional justice framework. Based on citizen interviews, the report finds a strong preference for restitution over compensation and communal reparations over individual ones. It recommends that the Compensation and Reparations Authority (CRA) be used to address land-related human rights violations and that the government expedite the adoption of a national land policy to resolve conflicting statutory and customary tenure systems.

The report evaluates the African Union's (AU) limited capacity to intervene in crises due to principles of national sovereignty and subsidiarity. It details the unraveling political alliance in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the conceptual and operational failures of the 'Silencing the Guns in Africa 2020' initiative, and identifies high-risk elections and conflicts in countries such as South Sudan, Uganda, and Ethiopia for 2021. Additionally, it features an interview on the necessity of a culturally contextualized African mediation doctrine based on the AU's experience in Sudan.

The report argues that Algeria must implement comprehensive political, social, and economic reforms to address systemic corruption, poor governance, and an over-reliance on oil. It highlights the need to diversify the economy, improve the business environment for the private sector, and transition toward renewable energy and sustainable water management to mitigate climate impacts. Key recommendations include enhancing transparency, reducing food imports by boosting agricultural production, and aligning workforce skills with market needs.

The report examines community resilience and dialogue as tools to prevent violent extremism in three Kenyan counties. It identifies key risk factors, such as police brutality and socio-economic marginalisation, while highlighting existing strengths like inter-group collaboration. The authors argue for a shift from specific P/CVE interventions to broader, P/CVE-relevant development goals to reduce vulnerability.

The report analyzes Algeria's development pathway to 2040, highlighting a reliance on hydrocarbons, poor governance, and an unsustainable subsidy system. It projects a modest GDP growth rate of 1.8% under current policies but proposes an 'Algerian Dream' scenario involving democratic reform, economic diversification, and investment in the knowledge economy to achieve higher growth and inclusivity.

The report highlights the risks posed by the digital transformation of the maritime sector in Africa, noting that while most incidents have occurred elsewhere, the continent's heavy reliance on seaborne trade makes it vulnerable. It identifies a significant gap in Africa-specific research and a slow rate of ratification for the AU Malabo Convention. The author recommends that African Union member states adopt national cyber laws and that the AU integrate cyber security into the African Peace and Security Architecture and the 2050 Africa’s Integrated Maritime Strategy.

The report examines the AU's efforts to adapt counter-terrorism operations through the African Standby Force, the impact of COVID-19 on election observation, and the need for incumbents to step down during elections to ensure fairness. It also analyzes the tension between the principle of inviolable colonial borders and secessionist movements, such as in Ghana, and discusses the complexities of harmonizing a common African position in negotiations with the European Union.

The report examines the complex dynamics of migration in Southern Africa, highlighting the region's reliance on labour migration and the dominance of South Africa as a destination. It identifies a gap between aspirational regional integration goals and the reality of non-binding agreements and national protectionism. Key issues include the precarious nature of low-skilled work, the 'brain drain' of professionals, and the lack of social security portability for migrant workers.

The author warns that President Alassane Ouattara's decision to seek a third term in Côte d’Ivoire, based on the claim that the 2016 constitution reset the term counter, risks triggering instability similar to the 2000 and 2010/2011 crises. The text highlights a broader trend of 'third-term' attempts in Africa, citing examples in Guinea and Burundi, and calls on the AU and ECOWAS to treat such constitutional manipulations as unconstitutional changes of government.

The report contends that mainstream development models, which predict growth through a shift from agriculture to industrial manufacturing, have failed in Africa. It identifies five dynamic trends—climate change, rapid urbanisation, infrastructure deficits, epidemics/pandemics, and lawlessness—that interact to increase instability. These trends are exacerbated by three structural realities: pervasive informality, weak land management, and the proliferation of organised crime, often led by state actors. The authors argue that because the state is frequently compromised by criminal networks, development strategies should move away from state-centric models and instead focus on enhancing the resilience and resource control of local neighbourhoods and communities.