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The document examines the SPLA's efforts to disarm civilian populations in South Sudan following the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA). It focuses on the violent disarmament of the Lou Nuer in Jonglei State, which resulted in significant casualties and looting, and contrasts this with a more peaceful process in Akobo. The author argues that the SPLA's approach was dominated by a militarist orientation and a desire to secure the south before confronting the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) in oil-producing borderlands. The paper also criticizes the United Nations for its failure to proactively manage internal disarmament and its tendency to ignore human rights abuses in the region.

The briefing analyzes Zimbabwe's strategic options regarding membership in the SADC, COMESA, SACU, and EAC regional blocs. While Zimbabwe has significantly higher trade volumes and deeper political ties with SADC, it is attracted to COMESA due to a larger, more balanced market and faster integration progress. The author concludes that Zimbabwe is likely to join the COMESA Customs Union, though this depends on South Africa's regional role and the outcome of EU Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) negotiations.

The report analyzes the proliferation of small arms and light weapons (SALW) in the DRC, CAR, and Chad, linking arms availability to historical instability, ethnic conflict, and poor governance. It assesses various disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) efforts, noting that while some institutional frameworks exist, they are often undermined by a lack of resources, political mistrust, and the persistence of non-state armed groups. The author argues that sustainable peace requires integrating disarmament with socio-economic development and regional cooperation.

The report examines the shift from traditional state-centric security to 'human security,' noting that modern conflicts are increasingly linked to poverty and occur within poor states. It argues that while trade and aid can theoretically promote stability, in practice, unfair trade rules and misused aid often exacerbate instability. The author proposes six objectives for the international community and the Commonwealth to ensure these policies 'do no harm' and support enduring peace.

The seminar, titled "Understanding Terrorism in Africa: Building Bridges and Overcoming Gaps," was held on 19-20 May 2007 at the University of Cairo. It aimed to address discrepancies in the definitions, roots, and strategies for combating terrorism, while analyzing the impacts of the "War on Terrorism" across different African regions. The event focused on creating an "African Voice" in global terrorism debates and strengthening the African Research Network on Terrorism and Counter Terrorism (ARNTACT). Future follow-up seminars were planned for Abuja, Nigeria, to focus on domestic terrorism and Nairobi, Kenya, to assess counter-terrorism strategies.

The 2006 elections in the Democratic Republic of the Congo ended a three-year transition, resulting in the inauguration of Joseph Kabila. While the process was generally free and fair, it revealed a deep regional divide and was marred by violent clashes in Kinshasa and renewed conflict in North Kivu led by General Nkunda. The document highlights critical needs for military reform and improved state governance to prevent social unrest and ensure long-term stability.

The document lists the signature, ratification, and deposit dates for 53 African entities regarding the AU Convention on the Prevention and Combating of Terrorism. As of 23 June 2006, 48 countries had signed the convention, while 36 had completed ratification or accession and deposited their instruments.

The report analyzes the bidirectional relationship between biodiversity conservation and conflict in the Albertine Rift. It distinguishes between local-level conflicts directly caused by conservation interventions—such as restricted resource access and unequal benefit sharing—and regional armed conflicts driven by deep-rooted socio-economic and political factors. The document reviews several conflict-analysis methodologies, including 'Do No Harm' and 'Peace and Conflict Impact Assessment', to propose a multi-step framework for making conservation projects more conflict-sensitive throughout their project cycle.

The paper examines NEPAD as a holistic development initiative for Africa, contrasting it with earlier plans like the Lagos Plan of Action and the Abuja Treaty. It highlights NEPAD's focus on globalisation, good governance via the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), and its specific administrative structures. While the author notes progress in policy development and some specific projects, such as the West Africa Gas Pipeline and e-School Initiative, the report concludes that overall implementation is hindered by inadequate capacity in regional economic communities and a lack of sufficient funding from developed partners.

The document analyzes the intersection of global counter-terrorism efforts and regional instability in the Horn of Africa. It highlights how the US 'war on terror' has been a 'double-edged blade,' providing resources for security but also empowering authoritarian regimes to label political opponents as terrorists. The author details the rise of radical Islamism in the region, the limitations of national and regional legislative responses, and the failures of US strategies in Somalia, specifically the backing of warlords which inadvertently strengthened the Union of Islamic Courts.

The author contends that the MDGs provide 'political camouflage' for aid agencies and oversimplify development by targeting visible symptoms like hunger and disease instead of productivity and growth. The paper argues that focusing on universal primary education may divert resources from more commercially valuable technical and vocational training. To address these gaps, the document proposes 'African Millennium Growth Goals' centered on improving commercial infrastructure, investing in rural economies, enhancing technical skills, increasing domestic lending, and reducing bureaucratic corruption.

The report analyzes the Democratic Republic of Congo's transition toward national elections scheduled for 2006. It details the legislative progress, the operational challenges of the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC), and the critical role of security sector reform. The authors identify significant security threats from armed groups in Ituri, North Kivu, and Katanga, as well as political tensions involving the UDPS. Three scenarios are presented: a successful transition under the current '1+4' leadership, a transition with new leadership, or a total breakdown of order.

The report examines the conflict in Ituri, driven by Hema-Lendu ethnic tensions and exacerbated by Ugandan and Rwandan interests. It details the Disarmament and Community Reinsertion (DCR) process, noting that while robust MONUC operations and an ultimatum from Ambassador William Swing increased disarmament numbers to over 11,000 by late April 2005, the stability remains tenuous. Key risks include delays in UNDP reinsertion projects, the continued activity of the UPC-K, and the predatory behaviour of underpaid FARDC troops.

The report argues that while the EU has introduced initiatives to counter conflict resources and provide preferential access to Least Developed Countries, its broader trade policies—specifically agricultural subsidies and the push for reciprocal Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs)—can inadvertently drive instability. It highlights the 'double standard' of preaching free trade while subsidising EU farmers and notes that commodity price volatility often undermines security in sub-Saharan Africa. The author suggests that the EU should conduct conflict assessments of trade agreements and reduce agricultural subsidies to better align its trade policy with its peace and development goals.

The report examines the record of public-private partnerships (PPPs) in Africa, arguing that while they can address infrastructure backlogs, they are not a 'magic bullet' and are prone to the same failures as privatisation, including corruption and high consumer costs. Through eight case studies in transport, prisons, telecommunications, water, power, and eco-tourism, the document highlights that success depends on thorough feasibility studies, strong political commitment, and effective regulatory frameworks. Key failures are attributed to a lack of transparency, poor risk management, and unrealistic design specifications. The report recommends that African governments build institutional capacity, implement integrity pacts to combat graft, and adopt a phased approach by starting with smaller projects.

The report evaluates the use of solar PV, wind, mini-hydro, and biomass for rural electrification in developing countries, concluding that technology choice must be driven by local needs and productive use. It highlights that while solar PV is best for low loads, biomass and mini-hydro support more significant economic activities. The document argues that donor agencies should prioritize projects based on poverty alleviation and productive electricity use, support national energy policies, and accept higher risks for technology adaptation and workforce development.

The author contends that the UN Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) act as a 'political camouflage' that prioritizes alleviating the visible signs of poverty—such as hunger and disease—over addressing the structural causes of African underdevelopment. While acknowledging the MDGs' role in improving the global debate on aid effectiveness, the paper argues that focusing on gross enrolment in primary education and basic health outcomes ignores the need for technical skills, commercial infrastructure, and a competitive business environment. To counter this, the author proposes a comprehensive 'African Millennium Growth Plan' centered on eight pillars: strengthening commercial infrastructure, investing in rural economies, enhancing technical skills and research, increasing domestic lending and savings, raising domestic revenue, promoting the rule of law, removing bureaucratic obstacles, and fighting corruption.

The research paper examines the tension between the RPF's public ideology of national unity and its internal practice of political coercion in Rwanda. While acknowledging the government's achievements in repatriating refugees and establishing the gacaca courts to address the 1994 genocide, the author highlights the systemic silencing of dissent. The text details the harassment of independent media, the imprisonment of political opponents like former President Pasteur Bizimungu, and the use of the label 'divisive' to criminalize critics, suggesting that the current governance model risks leading the country toward repressive minority rule.

The paper critiques existing Environmental Impact Assessments (EIA), Social Impact Assessments (SIA), and political risk analyses for their failure to systematically address violent conflict. It proposes a Conflict-Sensitive Business Practice (CSBP) toolbox that integrates conflict analysis tools—such as conflict mapping and stakeholder analysis—across the entire project lifecycle. The authors emphasize that extractive projects are increasingly located in 'frontier areas' where mismanagement of community relations or environmental resources can trigger violence. The proposed CSBP approach advocates for participatory consultation, the establishment of 'no go' thresholds for conflict, and the identification of peacebuilding opportunities through shared environmental concerns.

The research paper examines the expansion of South African companies into other African markets, noting that these firms often invest in diverse sectors beyond extractive industries and employ innovative strategies to overcome infrastructural deficits. While South African business competitiveness is high, it has led to perceptions of dominance and 'bullying' in smaller economies. The author argues that while regulating criminal behavior like bribery is necessary, any broader code of conduct must avoid being overly restrictive to prevent deterring investment in a challenging business environment.