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Natural Justice provides legal support to Indigenous peoples and local communities in Africa, specifically in South Africa, Namibia, Zimbabwe, Kenya, Benin, Guinea, and Madagascar. The organization focuses on challenging rights infringements related to land, climate change, and extractive projects, and facilitating fair commercial transactions for traditional knowledge. Key initiatives include the development of 'community protocols' to help communities articulate their rights and the production of accessible legal resources, such as 34 national legal reviews and the Living Convention. Natural Justice also engages in international advocacy through the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights and forums like the UNFCCC and CBD.

The research examines the transition from Yahya Jammeh's autocracy to the 'New Gambia' under President Adama Barrow, noting a surge in public accusations of 'tribalism'. The authors argue that these accusations are 'anticipatory and speculative', driven by fears of future ethnic monopolies on power rather than current organised mobilisation. Historically, Gambian politics has largely downplayed ethnicity, with the exception of the late Jammeh era where he used anti-Mandinka rhetoric. In the 'New Gambia', the discourse focuses on the moral character of political actors, where accusing an opponent of tribalism serves to delegitimise them as 'indecent' or 'uncivilised'. The authors conclude that while ethnic identification exists in daily life and is linked to livelihoods, it remains a marginal tool for formal political power compared to the potent use of tribalist slurs as a meta-political weapon.

The document describes the DIADATA dataset, which lists diamond occurrences worldwide, including geographic coordinates, geological forms, and dates of discovery and production. It details the data collection process from academic, governmental, and industry sources, and explains the coding structure for variables such as geological form (primary, secondary, or marine) and production status. Additionally, it describes a 'compact version' of the dataset where sites within 50 km are aggregated into multipoints to reduce missing temporal data. The document includes detailed country profiles for 53 countries, outlining their diamond discovery and production histories.

The research concludes that China's security force assistance (SFA) in Africa is consistent with a strategy of economic alignment rather than a military alignment strategy aimed at supplanting the US. While China has expanded its SFA to almost every African state since 2015, the assistance is described as being "spread widely but thin," focusing on non-lethal equipment and training to protect economic interests and foster long-term relationships. In contrast, the US remains the dominant SFA provider in financial terms, with annual provision worth hundreds of millions of dollars compared to China's estimated tens of millions. The authors argue that this approach creates a viable alternative for authoritarian African governments who may otherwise face human rights-based restrictions from Western donors.

The Handbook on Governance Statistics, developed by the Praia Group, establishes a framework for measuring governance through eight dimensions: non-discrimination and equality, participation, openness, access to and quality of justice, responsiveness, absence of corruption, trust, and safety and security. It emphasizes a Human Rights-Based Approach to Data (HRBAD) and advocates for the use of triangulated data sources, including administrative records, household surveys, and expert assessments. The document provides specific recommended indicators, many aligned with SDG 16, and offers technical guidance on mitigating biases in subjective measurements of trust, responsiveness, and corruption.

The document examines the contested nature of 'power sharing,' noting that it is often implemented as a tool for conflict resolution but yields contradictory results in research. It identifies four primary types of power sharing: political, military, territorial, and economic. The author argues that findings vary based on whether researchers view power sharing as a means to achieve stable democracy (consociationalism) or as a tool for postconflict conflict management. While some studies suggest inclusive institutions prolong peace by addressing rebel security concerns, others argue they reward violence, strengthen ethnic divisions, and hinder democratic accountability by marginalizing opposition.

The report details ADNOC's plans to increase oil production by 25% by 2030, identifying it as a major global expansionist whose activities are largely incompatible with IEA Net Zero scenarios. It highlights the involvement of international 'carbon majors' and banks in financing these projects, the use of carbon capture for enhanced oil recovery, and the threat posed to the Marawah Biosphere Reserve by the Ghasha Mega Project.

The document critiques the industrialization of agriculture, highlighting the degradation of topsoil, loss of genetic diversity, and high fossil fuel dependence. It proposes a shift toward 'natural capitalism' through resource productivity, closed-loop systems, and the restoration of natural capital. Key alternatives discussed include organic farming, biointensive minifarming, and management-intensive rotational grazing, emphasizing their potential to sequester carbon and reduce greenhouse gas emissions.

The report examines the role of decentralised renewable energy (DRE) in overcoming barriers to agricultural productivity, such as lack of energy access and finance. It presents 15 case studies across Africa, Asia, and South America, showcasing technologies like solar water pumps, cooling systems, and biomass steam engines. Key findings emphasize the need for holistic, customer-centric designs, innovative financing (including grants, equity, and debt), and the integration of capacity building to ensure long-term sustainability and job creation in rural communities.

The document establishes a business case for gender equality in the decentralised renewable energy (DRE) sector, asserting that women-led businesses are often as profitable as or more profitable than those led by men. It provides a framework of recommendations for DRE companies, civil society organisations (CSOs), and investors to improve gender equality at the community, organisational, and investor levels. The report includes 17 case studies from various global regions demonstrating the impact of gender-sensitive interventions, such as solar kiosks in Togo, feminist microgrid development in Haiti, and technical training for women in Brazil.

The SADC region exhibits significant economic disparities, with South Africa dominating both regional GDP (55.5%) and intra-regional exports (68.1%). While the region saw an average annual GDP growth of 4.7% from 2003-2013, competitiveness is hindered by poor infrastructure, corruption, and limited access to finance. The services sector is the primary driver of regional growth, though reliance on agriculture remains high in countries like Mozambique, Madagascar, and Malawi. Intra-regional trade has stagnated relative to other African regional economic communities, further hampered by severe transport inefficiencies and customs delays.

The document argues that while SADC has significant potential for sugarcane-based ethanol production to reduce petroleum import dependency, regulatory uncertainty—specifically the lack of blending mandates and pricing formulas—is the primary barrier to investment. It suggests that a regional market could leverage South Africa's demand and the production capacity of other member states, potentially creating millions of jobs and providing significant electricity co-generation.

The document examines the lack of progress in implementing the SADC univisa, despite the 1998 Protocol on the Development of Tourism. It identifies a conflict between economic goals—where tourism contributes 5.8% to SADC's GDP—and security concerns held by home affairs and security agencies. While a pilot group of countries (including South Africa, Namibia, and Zimbabwe) has worked on harmonisation, political will remains low. The study suggests using the Kavango Zambezi (KAZA) TFCA pilot as a model to overcome bureaucratic resistance.

The document analyzes the inefficiencies of national customs bond systems in Southern Africa, where transporters must purchase separate bonds for every border crossed, increasing costs and delays. It evaluates the regional transit bond (RTB) initiatives of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA), noting that both suffer from poor implementation and a lack of stakeholder awareness. By comparing these to the successful Transports Internationaux Routiers (TIR) system, the study argues that a participatory management structure involving the private sector and financial institutions is essential for the successful deployment of a regional system, particularly in anticipation of the Tripartite Free Trade Area (TFTA).

The Beit Bridge border post, a critical transit link for Southern and Eastern Africa, suffers from severe delays averaging three days, with some extending to two weeks. These delays are driven by inadequate physical infrastructure, such as a single commercial vehicle lane, frequent power outages in Zimbabwe, and non-harmonised IT systems between the South African Revenue Service (SARS) and the Zimbabwe Revenue Authority (ZIMRA). The document highlights a systemic culture of bribery and corruption among immigration and police officials, as well as high crime rates that effectively limit operations to daylight hours. Economic consequences include increased transport costs of approximately $400 per truck per day and higher consumer prices for goods like fuel and sugar.

The SADC Non-Tariff Barrier (NTB) Monitoring Mechanism allows private sector actors to report trade barriers via an online database, but the resolution of these barriers is often ineffective. NTBs affect products accounting for $3.3 billion, or 20%, of regional trade, with transport-related barriers being the most persistent. Resolution is hampered by inefficient National Monitoring Committees, a lack of technical expertise, and a political preference for cooperative rather than litigious dispute settlement. The document argues that resolution depends on political will, as some states maintain barriers to protect local industry or revenue. Proposed solutions include strengthening business membership organisations, capacitating national focal points, and creating forums for facilitated dialogue between the private sector and government.

The document examines Namibia's strategy to position the Port of Walvis Bay as a competitive alternative to other SADC ports. It details the role of the Namibian Ports Authority (Namport) and the Walvis Bay Corridor Group (WBCG) in expanding infrastructure and improving trade facilitation. Key developments include a new container terminal funded largely by the African Development Bank and the conceptual SADC Gateway Port. While the port benefits from strategic location and political stability, it faces challenges in human capital and administrative bureaucracy.

The report analyzes South African foreign direct investment (FDI) in Mozambique, noting that while South Africa was the primary investor (49% of FDI from 1997-2002), businesses face significant hurdles. Key obstacles include systemic corruption, inefficient bureaucracy, a weak judiciary, and high import taxes. While large-scale projects like Mozal and Sasol succeeded through high-level government support, smaller firms are more exposed to 'small corruption' and bureaucratic delays. The document highlights a stark geographic imbalance in investment, with the majority concentrated in Maputo, and calls for structural reforms in land rights, infrastructure, and the financial sector to foster sustainable growth.

The opening remarks highlight the growth of Sino-South African relations, noting that two-way trade reached US$9.86 billion in 2006 and citing the 2007 ICBC purchase of 20% of Standard Bank as the largest Chinese investment in Africa. The speaker argues that both nations can contribute to African prosperity and the welfare of developing countries in the South, including efforts for debt relief and the restructuring of the WTO and World Bank.

The document examines the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), a voluntary governance assessment tool launched by the African Union in 2002 under the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD). It details the five-stage review process—ranging from national self-assessment to peer pressure from heads of state—and analyzes the varying degrees of civil society involvement in early adopters like Ghana, Rwanda, Mauritius, and Kenya. The authors argue that the efficacy of the APRM depends on the transparency of final reports and the willingness of African leadership to implement national action plans.