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The report analyzes how California's 10 largest publicly owned utilities (POUs) met the 2010 RPS goal of 20 percent renewables. While collective RPS-eligible investments rose from 4.1 percent in 2003 to 18.8 percent in 2010, the quality of these investments varied. The authors emphasize that long-term contracts for new facilities are the most effective way to drive new clean energy development and stabilize rates. The report categorizes POUs into three groups: those 'sprinting ahead' (e.g., Silicon Valley Power), those 'on the right track' (e.g., LADWP), and those with a 'false start' (e.g., Imperial Irrigation District). It concludes with recommendations for the California Energy Commission (CEC) and POUs to prioritize long-term investments and improve reporting to meet the 33 percent RPS by 2020.

The brief, filed by a coalition of physicians, scientists, and environmental advocates, contends that the natural gas industry systematically suppresses public health data through federal exemptions, state laws, and confidential legal settlements. It argues that the public interest in understanding the health risks of hydraulic fracturing—such as water contamination and air pollution—outweighs the private interests of gas companies in maintaining secrecy. The authors specifically highlight the Hallowich family's experience with deteriorating health due to nearby gas operations and urge the court to reverse a lower court's decision to seal the case records.

The Clean Air Task Force (CATF) argues that the EPA's final New Source Performance Standards for the oil and gas industry must require 'green completions' to capture methane and volatile organic compounds (VOCs). The memo asserts that methane from US oil and gas operations is 25 times more potent than carbon dioxide over 100 years and contributes to global warming as much as 16% of all CO2 from US coal-fired power plants. CATF rejects industry claims that green completions are too costly or that flaring is a sufficient alternative, noting that such technologies are already used in states like Colorado and Wyoming.

The document argues that the EPA's proposed air pollution standards for the natural gas sector are essential for protecting public health and the environment, particularly through the implementation of 'green completion' technology to capture methane and smog-forming emissions from fracked wells. The authors contend that these standards are cost-effective, as the sale of recovered gas offsets compliance costs, and that they will not hinder domestic production, citing examples from Colorado and Wyoming. The letter specifically rejects proposed industry loopholes from the American Petroleum Institute (API), such as VOC percentage thresholds and implementation delays, which the authors claim would exempt millions of tons of pollution and undermine the standards' effectiveness.

A coalition of environmental organizations argues that the EPA's proposed rules for the oil and gas industry are insufficient. They demand the direct regulation of methane, the inclusion of existing sources, the elimination of exemptions for certain wells, and the regulation of hydrogen sulfide and particulate matter. The coalition also calls for more stringent toxic air pollutant limits and a more comprehensive health risk assessment for vulnerable populations.

The document argues that claims by Texas Governor Rick Perry and Luminant Generation Co. regarding the Cross-State Air Pollution Rule (CSAPR) are misleading. It contends that the rule does not jeopardize grid reliability, as new capacity additions would offset coal plant closures and many plants already possess the necessary scrubbers. The briefing further asserts that Texas was properly notified of its inclusion in the sulfur dioxide (SO2) program and that the compliance deadline is March 2013, not January 2012. It concludes that the rule is necessary for public health, estimating that by 2014 it would reduce premature deaths by 13,000-34,000.

The document is a citizen petition submitted to the EPA requesting the promulgation of rules under the Toxic Substances Control Act (TSCA) to address the lack of public and regulatory information regarding chemicals used in oil and gas exploration and production (E&P Chemicals). The petitioners argue that current regulatory gaps—including the 'Halliburton Loophole' and inadequate Material Safety Data Sheets (MSDS)—allow the industry to conceal toxic fluids that pose unreasonable risks to human health and the environment. The petition cites evidence of groundwater contamination, air quality degradation, and animal fatalities across several U.S. states. It specifically requests that the EPA mandate toxicity testing under TSCA section 4, require detailed reporting of chemical identities and volumes under section 8(a), call in records of adverse reactions under section 8(c), and require the submission of all existing health and safety studies under section 8(d).

The report presents wind power as a viable alternative to fossil fuels in the U.S., highlighting its competitiveness with natural gas and its ability to reduce CO2 emissions and water consumption. It details economic advantages such as job creation and local tax revenue, while addressing environmental impacts on wildlife and human concerns regarding noise and aesthetics. The document concludes that reaching a target of 20 percent wind electricity by 2030 is feasible and affordable, provided the U.S. adopts stable long-term policies like a national renewable electricity standard.

The document outlines the financial hazards of investing in new or retrofitted coal plants in the U.S., citing competition from natural gas and renewables, rising fuel costs, and the likelihood of future carbon pricing. It highlights that coal is no longer the low-cost option it once was and that many existing plants are inefficient and ripe for retirement. The report suggests that the U.S. can replace most coal power with renewable energy, demand reduction, and natural gas within 15 to 20 years.

The report examines the 'water-energy nexus' in the western United States, specifically the eleven states of the Western Electric Coordinating Council (WECC). It models eight scenarios from 2008 to 2100, varying by carbon emission goals, water conservation mandates, and energy efficiency levels. The primary finding is that while power plants require water, their total consumption is small compared to agricultural and urban use, making the water-energy nexus a secondary concern in the region's broader water crisis. The analysis suggests that carbon pricing (around $70 per ton) is a more likely driver for shifting energy strategies than water pricing, as water prices would need to exceed $4,000 to $7,000 per acre-foot to make water-conserving energy scenarios the least-cost option.

The California Water Supply and Demand Model (CWSD) assesses how climate change affects water availability and usage in California, focusing on the energy, urban, and agricultural sectors. The model evaluates scenarios with no adaptation, slow adaptation, and fast adaptation across different climate projections (B1 and A2). Key findings indicate that without adaptation, agricultural water demand will rise due to higher temperatures, particularly in the San Joaquin Valley. While slow adaptation may only marginally reduce use, fast adaptation—driven by higher water prices and technological efficiency—could significantly decrease demand. The report also extends its agricultural analysis to other Western U.S. states, noting a general increase in water demand by 2100.

The document presents data on the freshwater requirements of U.S. power plants, highlighting that coal and nuclear power are the primary consumers of freshwater for cooling. It details the distribution of cooling systems across the U.S. and identifies specific watersheds where power plant water use significantly impacts the Water Stress Index (WaSSI).

The document provides a comprehensive overview of nuclear power, detailing the process of fission and the operation of pressurized and boiling water reactors. It examines the uranium fuel cycle, noting that the U.S. relies heavily on imports from countries like Russia and Canada. The text also addresses the challenges of radioactive waste storage, specifically mentioning Yucca Mountain, and analyzes the economic decline of the U.S. nuclear industry following the 1970s due to cost overruns, declining energy demand, and public opposition.

The report analyzes the financial burden on U.S. states that rely on imported coal, identifying those with the highest spending and per capita costs. It highlights a trend of increasing dependence on coal from Wyoming and international sources, particularly in the Southeast and Midwest. The authors argue that these states can redirect funds from coal imports toward energy efficiency and homegrown renewables to create local jobs and reduce carbon emissions.

The report identifies 38 U.S. states as net importers of coal in 2008, with 11 states spending over $1 billion each on these imports. It highlights a growing dependence on coal from Wyoming and international sources, particularly in the Southeast and Midwest. The authors argue that states can mitigate these economic losses and environmental damages by investing in energy efficiency and homegrown renewables.

In 2008, Alabama imported 79% of the coal used for its electricity generation, resulting in a net expenditure of $1.39 billion. The state's electricity mix was dominated by coal (51.1%) and nuclear (26.7%). Alabama spent the most per person ($297) and the most relative to gross state product (0.82%) on net coal imports compared to other US states. To reduce this dependence, the document suggests investing in energy efficiency—noting that Alabama spent only 49 cents per person on such programs in 2007—and utilizing renewable resources which could technically meet 56% of the state's 2008 power demand.

In 2008, Arkansas imported all the coal used by its power plants, resulting in $463 million leaving the state, primarily to Wyoming. The state's electricity mix was 47.5% coal, with Entergy Arkansas and its White Bluff plant being the largest importers. The document argues that Arkansas could reduce this dependence and stimulate its local economy by adopting energy efficiency resource standards and renewable electricity standards, leveraging its potential for wind, solar, geothermal, and biomass energy.

In 2008, Delaware imported all the coal used by its power plants, resulting in over $161 million leaving the state. While coal provided 70 percent of in-state power generation, the state has implemented an energy efficiency resource standard requiring a 2.5 percent annual reduction in electricity use from 2010 to 2015 and a renewable electricity standard targeting 20 percent of power from renewable resources by 2019.

In 2008, Georgia was the highest spender on net coal imports in the United States, sending $2.62 billion out of state. The state's electricity generation relied on coal for 62.7% of its power despite having no internal coal supplies. The document argues that investing in energy efficiency and homegrown renewables, such as biomass from the forestry industry, solar, and wind, could improve energy independence and local economic development.

In 2008, Illinois imported 94 percent of the coal used in its power plants, resulting in a net expenditure of $683 million. The document highlights that Midwest Generation and the Baldwin Energy Complex are major contributors to this import dependency. To mitigate these costs and reduce carbon dioxide emissions, the report advocates for the state's energy efficiency resource standard and its renewable energy goals, noting that Illinois has the technical potential to generate over five times its 2008 electricity needs from renewable sources, primarily wind and bioenergy.