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The report examines education spending in Africa, noting that while many countries exceed the African Union's 20% budget allocation target, funding remains inadequate due to inefficiencies and declining international aid. It highlights significant regional disparities in per-student spending and a critical disconnect between high expenditure and educational performance, largely because budgets are dominated by recurrent costs like salaries rather than capital investments.

The document synthesises projections from AFREXIMBANK, UNCTAD, UNDESA, IMF, the Pardee Centre, and the World Bank on the AfCFTA's potential to increase intra-African trade, boost GDP growth, reduce poverty, and raise wages, particularly for women and skilled workers.

The report details the disproportionate burden of climate change on Africa, noting that since 1984, the continent has faced 1,865 climate-related disasters resulting in US$53 billion in losses. It highlights a critical lack of financial protection, with only 9% of disaster losses insured. Regional analysis shows water-related disasters as the primary threat, with severe flooding in East Africa and historic droughts in Southern Africa and the Horn of Africa. The document also links climate change to the spread of diseases like cholera and malaria, and the risk of desertification in the Sahel and West Africa.

The research paper projects that a 'Combined scenario'—integrating policy coherence, governance, and strategic investment—would significantly increase Africa's GDP to US$8.9 trillion by 2043 and reduce extreme poverty to 242 million people. It highlights that while low-income countries like the DR Congo and Mozambique would see the fastest growth, the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) and governance reforms are the most effective drivers of per capita income and poverty reduction across the continent.

The document describes a 'pragmatic' security integration between the US and Nigeria that avoids formal military treaties by using civilian instruments. By leveraging Section 126 of AGOA and the 'Safe Skies for Africa' initiative, the US provides decommissioned FAA equipment and technical assistance to modernize Nigerian airspace. This creates a 'shared awareness' corridor that serves both aviation safety and counter-insurgency monitoring, effectively replacing lost US surveillance capacity in the Sahel. However, the author warns that this operational deepening is contradicted by increasing political uncertainty in Washington regarding the future of AGOA, which some legislators seek to turn into a discretionary disciplinary tool.

The report evaluates ten distinct indexes designed to diagnose the resilience or vulnerability of political information environments to mis- and disinformation. It develops a typology of these tools—categorizing them as advertising-oriented, policy-driven, academically oriented, or public outreach—and analyzes their conceptual foundations, data collection methods, and scoring architectures. The review finds that most indexes rely on proxy indicators (such as institutional trust or media freedom) rather than direct measurement of false content. Comparative case studies reveal that while some indexes converge on structural constants in advanced democracies, others diverge sharply due to different operational definitions of 'resilience,' such as distinguishing between reactive mobilization and long-term structural capacity. The document concludes that current measurement is fragmented and recommends a more unified architecture that integrates structural, behavioral, and platform-specific dynamics.

Benin's NDC 3.0 (2026-2035) aims to reduce cumulative greenhouse gas emissions (excluding the forestry sector) by 32.8% compared to a business-as-usual scenario, a significant increase from the 20.15% target in NDC 2.0. The plan includes 32 mitigation measures implemented through 180 projects, with the energy sector being the most prominent. Adaptation is a central pillar, focusing on eight key sectors, including agriculture, water resources, and health, to address high vulnerability and a low readiness score of 0.342. The total funding requirement for the 2026-2035 period is estimated at 14.488 billion USD, with 9.266 billion USD for conditional actions.

The paper argues that while West Africa possesses over 300 Tcf of proven gas reserves, regional prosperity is hindered by regulatory fragmentation, bilateral financing that bypasses regional coordination, and global decarbonization risks. It recommends the adoption of a binding regional gas code, the creation of a 5 billion USD Gas Infrastructure Development Fund, and the establishment of a West African Gas Task Force to align national and external investments with a 10-year regional roadmap.

The document analyzes the rising trend of youth emigration from West Africa, driven by high unemployment, insecurity, and structural inequality. It highlights the resulting brain drain in critical sectors and suggests leveraging the digital economy and diaspora skills to create regional opportunities.

The document proposes that ECOWAS integrate forward-looking transitional justice into its climate governance to prevent the marginalization of women and rural communities. It argues that climate change in West Africa is a crisis of social justice, where historical inequities determine vulnerability. The author suggests that ECOWAS should reduce its reliance on unstable global mechanisms, such as the COP27 Loss and Damage Fund, by establishing regional structures like a gender-responsive minerals strategy and a Regional Climate Adaptation Fund for Women. The paper emphasizes that a just transition must move beyond procedural formality to address the 'why' of structural harms, including land access and resource governance.

The document argues that ECOWAS's perceived success in promoting democracy during the 2000s and 2010s was illusory, based on a narrow definition of democracy centered on elections rather than human rights and the rule of law. This approach, combined with a tendency to defer to the interests of heads of state, has led to a disconnect between the bloc and West African citizens. The paper highlights the impact of recent coups since 2020 and the formation of the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) as evidence of this failure and a decline in Nigeria's regional influence. It concludes by recommending the creation of a Citizens Consultation Forum and a strategic task force on governance to restore credibility.

The document advocates for a transition from a representation-based Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda to a substantive feminist approach within ECOWAS. It highlights a gap between existing regional gender-justice frameworks and their practical application, noting that patriarchal power structures continue to drive conflict. The author recommends that ECOWAS institutionalise partnerships with grassroots movements, incorporate intersectionality into its Conflict Prevention Framework, and adopt feminist responses to climate insecurity and security sector reform to achieve lasting social transformation.

The document evaluates the ECOWAS free movement framework, noting its success in facilitating intra-regional mobility while highlighting significant barriers such as insecurity, protectionist national policies, and the recent withdrawal of Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso to form the Alliance of Sahel States (AES).

The document argues that ECOWAS fails to systematically include persons with disabilities (PWDs) in its core security and development agendas, despite the existence of a Regional Action Plan on Disability Inclusion (2022-2030). It highlights a critical lack of harmonised disability data, the exclusion of PWDs from emergency responses in the Central Sahel, and barriers to free movement caused by biometric systems and discrimination. The author recommends establishing a regional Disability Data Initiative and a Disability-Inclusive Crisis Framework to move from a welfare-based approach to a rights-based model of governance.

Adaptation finance for Africa remains critically insufficient, with 2023 flows to Sub-Saharan Africa reaching only USD 12.9 billion against an annual need of USD 51 billion. Public finance is the dominant source, providing 95% of Africa's adaptation funding in 2023, as adaptation projects are often small-scale, localised, and lack the standardised metrics or predictable returns required to attract private investors. Structural barriers, including complex international funding procedures and fragmented government coordination, have led to less than half of committed adaptation funds in Africa being disbursed between 2014 and 2018. While the private sector's contribution grew to USD 654 million by 2023, it remains a supporting role, with the document emphasizing that grants and concessional loans are essential to avoid exacerbating debt distress in countries where debt interest spending already exceeds health or education budgets. The briefing highlights the upcoming COP30 as a critical juncture to finalise the Global Goal on Adaptation and establish standardised indicators to improve the tracking and bankability of resilience investments.

The document examines how the lack of a harmonised digital identification system in West Africa hindered the free movement of people and goods during the Ebola epidemic and COVID-19 pandemic. It proposes that the ECOWAS Commission create a framework for digital ID interoperability and a 'health passport' linked to digital IDs to prevent future border closures and economic disruptions. The author suggests leveraging existing initiatives like the ECOWAS National Biometric Identity Card (ENBIC) and the West Africa Unique Identification for Regional Integration and Inclusion (WURI), while drawing on successful regional models from the EU's Digital COVID Certificate and ASEAN's Universal Verification Mechanism. The paper specifically recommends that the West African Health Organization (WAHO) lead the digital health trust initiative and that the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) be included in the network to ensure regional health security.

The document examines how the lack of harmonised digital identification and health information exchange systems in West Africa hindered the ECOWAS free movement regime during the Ebola epidemic and COVID-19 pandemic. It proposes integrating vaccine certification with foundational digital IDs—such as the ECOWAS National Biometric Identity Card (ENBIC) and the West Africa Unique Identification for Regional Integration and Inclusion (WURI) initiative—to create a 'health passport'. Drawing on examples from the EU's Digital COVID Certificate and ASEAN's Universal Verification Mechanism, the author recommends that the ECOWAS Commission and the West African Health Organization (WAHO) develop a regional digital health certification framework that includes members of the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) to ensure comprehensive regional health security.

The document examines the challenges facing the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in attracting and managing foreign direct investment (FDI). It highlights a disconnect between regional elite institutions and citizens, exacerbated by the withdrawal of Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger in January 2025. While West Africa possesses significant mineral resources and growth potential in renewables and IT, it suffers from weak governance, fragmented infrastructure, and an overdependence on foreign donors for energy project funding. The author recommends a harmonised regional investment framework and a prioritisation of cross-border energy infrastructure to enhance collective bargaining power and sustainable development.

The document examines how trade tools like border carbon adjustments (BCAs) and deforestation-free regulations are being used to advance climate goals and prevent carbon leakage. It highlights the administrative challenges of BCAs, the risk of excluding smallholders in deforestation-free supply chains, and the potential for these measures to clash with the principle of Common but Differentiated Responsibilities and Respective Capabilities (CBDR-RC). The authors argue for greater transparency, support for developing countries, and harmonized standards to ensure the energy transition does not deepen global inequities.

The document examines the challenges facing ECOWAS in its peacekeeping efforts, particularly the lack of formal integration with the AU and UN. It highlights how the ambiguous application of the AU's subsidiarity principle and the withdrawal of Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger have strained regional security. To address these issues and access UN-assessed funding under Resolution 2719, the paper recommends formalising the division of labour between ECOWAS and the AU and increasing ECOWAS's direct engagement in global peace operations planning.