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The document outlines the technical framework for certifying low-carbon buildings under the Climate Bonds Standard. It shifts the focus from energy use intensity to emissions intensity, establishing city-specific linear trajectories aimed at net-zero carbon emissions by 2050. The criteria distinguish between new and existing buildings, introducing mandatory Whole Life Carbon Assessments (WLCA) for new constructions to account for embodied carbon. It also provides a guide for Scope 3 GHG accounting across the building value chain, from manufacturers to owners and deconstruction firms.

The cement industry accounts for approximately 7% of global CO2 emissions and faces significant barriers to decarbonisation due to high capital intensity and the nature of process emissions. The report argues that achieving net-zero by 2050 requires a combination of technological shifts—such as carbon capture and storage (CCS), alternative binders, and fuel substitution—and robust policy support. Key policy recommendations include the implementation of carbon contracts for difference (CCfDs), green public procurement, and carbon border adjustment mechanisms (CBAMs) to prevent carbon leakage. Financial investment needs are estimated to reach USD 70 billion annually between 2030 and 2040, which the report suggests could be unlocked through the sustainable debt market and science-based certification standards.

The report positions the Chief Financial Officer (CFO) as a pivotal figure in the low-carbon transition, responsible for integrating climate risks and opportunities into a company's financial framework. Based on a survey of 50 respondents from 32 entities, it argues that early adoption of decarbonisation strategies provides a competitive advantage and recommends building robust business cases that quantify the cost of inaction. The document highlights the use of sustainable finance instruments, such as green and sustainability-linked bonds, to mobilise capital and signal commitment. Key challenges identified include the calibration of science-based targets and the difficulty of tackling scope 3 emissions, which often represent the majority of a company's carbon footprint.

ClientEarth urges the FCA to implement mandatory sustainability disclosures at the point of listing, aligned with TCFD and ISSB standards, to correct information asymmetry and protect investors from climate-related financial risks. The document specifically advocates for a new 'atmospheric viability' test for fossil fuel companies' reserves in Competent Person's Reports to address stranded asset risks. Additionally, it recommends extending these requirements to the debt market and introducing stricter, contractually binding disclosures for labelled bonds to prevent greenwashing and mispricing of climate risk.

ClientEarth argues that the proposed FMP for mixed flatfish in the Southern North Sea and Eastern Channel lacks binding commitments and fails to adhere to the precautionary and ecosystem-based objectives of the Fisheries Act 2020. The submission specifically calls for fishing limits to be set below Maximum Sustainable Yield (MSY) to build climate resilience, the recovery of the depleted witch stock, and the implementation of firm Minimum Conservation Reference Sizes (MCRS) and towed gear measures.

The report argues that biodiversity loss represents a material financial risk—categorised as physical, transition, and liability risks—for the seafood and agriculture sectors and their financiers. It details how these sectors depend on ecosystem services while simultaneously driving biodiversity loss through land-use change, pollution, and overexploitation. The document outlines specific legal risks under EU regulations, such as the EU Deforestation Regulation (EUDR) and the Corporate Sustainability Reporting Directive (CSRD), as well as national laws in France, Germany, and Norway. It concludes that robust due diligence and transparent disclosure are essential for mitigating these risks and ensuring long-term business viability.

ClientEarth and 47 experts urge the UK government to remove specific air quality regulations from the 'kill list' of the Retained EU Law (REUL) Act 2023. These regulations mandate the creation, implementation, and public consultation of the National Air Pollution Control Programme (NAPCP), which is the primary tool for meeting legally binding emission reduction commitments (ERCs) for five major pollutants. The briefing contends that the Environmental Improvement Plan for England does not provide a sufficient legal substitute, and that revoking these laws would undermine transparency and the UK's ability to address failing emission targets for pollutants like PM2.5.

The report concludes that all analyzed policy frameworks are inadequate for the robust deployment of carbon dioxide removals (CDR). Most frameworks fail to establish a clear firewall between emissions reductions and removals, often treating them as interchangeable through offsetting mechanisms. Key deficiencies include the absence of legally binding, separate CDR targets, the lack of a robust definition of CDR that ensures long-term permanence, and insufficient monitoring, reporting, and verification (MRV) systems. The authors recommend that CDR be strictly defined as a secondary climate function to balance residual emissions, supported by dedicated legal targets and rigorous accounting to prevent 'mitigation deterrence'.

Global Witness reports that Cargill has purchased soy from farms in Bolivia where over 20,000 hectares of forest were razed since 2017. The investigation highlights a systematic failure by Cargill to collect origin data for its soy supplies, undermining its 'deforestation-free' commitments. Furthermore, a leaked company map suggests Cargill may target areas that would put over three million hectares of forest at risk. The report also identifies several global banks, including Barclays, BNP Paribas, HSBC, and Santander, as providers of billions of dollars in financing to Cargill despite their own anti-deforestation pledges.

The guide 'Creative Climate Justice in Norway' calls on the Norwegian performing arts and cultural sectors to shift their focus from individual environmental measures to systemic change. It highlights the contradiction between Norway's domestic green initiatives and its role as a major oil and gas exporter, arguing that this policy disproportionately harms the Global South and reinforces colonial and racist structures. The document provides a roadmap for cultural workers to advocate for climate justice, divest from fossil fuels, and amplify the voices of frontline communities.

The report examines 26 NAP progress reports from 20 countries to provide a framework for tracking climate adaptation. It identifies that while many countries commit to reporting, few do so due to capacity and resource constraints. The analysis proposes a four-step iterative cycle for reporting and details various methods for tracking implementation, evaluating effectiveness, and assessing the integration of adaptation into national budgeting.

The document is a joint letter from a coalition of NGOs calling for the adoption of amendment NC12 to the UK Energy Bill. The amendment seeks to ban the venting and flaring of methane by 2025 and implement stricter measures to prevent unintended emissions. The authors argue that current waste in the North Sea oil and gas sector is sufficient to supply at least 760,000 average UK homes and that delaying the ban until 2030 would jeopardize the UK's energy security and global climate leadership. They highlight that methane is over 80 times more dangerous than carbon dioxide and contributes 0.5°C to current global warming. The letter warns that insufficient climate action could cost the UK economy 1% of GDP, or at least £22 billion per year, by 2045.

The document argues that while harmonizing all border carbon adjustments (BCAs) is impossible due to diverse national carbon pricing methods, international cooperation is essential to manage the proliferation of these instruments. It highlights that a diversity of BCAs increases uncertainty and administrative burdens for traders in sectors like steel, aluminum, cement, and fertilizers, which are critical for the export revenues of many developing countries. The brief suggests that strategic international discussion is a necessary alternative to trade disputes within the World Trade Organization's dispute settlement system.

The document is divided into two main sections: a report on regulatory developments in Canada, Ireland, the UK, and the US regarding online streaming, safety codes, advertising, and AI; and a snapshot of literature on climate disinformation. The latter highlights the shift from outright climate denial to 'delay discourses' and 'culture wars' frames, the role of fossil fuel interests in seeding misinformation, and the impact of fringe websites and algorithmic amplification on digital platforms.

The assessment of 17 G20 long-term strategies reveals that while most members have set net zero targets—predominantly for 2050—there is a significant lack of quantitative detail regarding climate finance and specific renewable energy targets. Most strategies prioritise decarbonisation in power, buildings, agriculture, industry, and transport, with hydrogen viewed as a key opportunity. France is the only member committing to phase out fossil gas and oil exploration on its own territory, and the UK is the only one including international aviation and shipping in its net zero target. To reach net zero, G20 countries aim to reduce 2019 emissions by an average of 72-81% by 2050, relying on carbon dioxide removal (CDR) for residual emissions.

The 2023 Zimbabwean general election is framed as a high-stakes contest between incumbent Emmerson Mnangagwa (ZANU-PF) and Nelson Chamisa (CCC), with significant implications for the country's democratic legitimacy and its ability to re-engage with Western nations. The author notes a decline in voter intention and female candidacy compared to 2018, alongside an electoral environment skewed in favor of the ruling party through control of state institutions and exclusionary financial barriers. Internationally, the election is viewed as a test of Zimbabwe's willingness to return to democratic norms, which is critical for debt clearance processes and the export of strategic minerals like lithium essential for the global energy transition.

The submission argues that the draft SAREM over-relies on private investment and fails to sufficiently address the impact of the global supply chain crisis on renewable energy costs. It advocates for a state-led industrial policy, including the use of import tariffs and the central role of Eskom in renewable generation, to avoid 'boom-bust' cycles and ensure a just transition for workers. Key recommendations include establishing a 'decent work' framework, implementing aggressive local content requirements (suggesting 50% for future RFPs), and creating a technology transfer system to support local manufacturing.

Ember critiques the TYNDP 2024 storylines for having low electrification levels and unrealistic fossil fuel price projections. The organization argues that the 'Green Ambition' (GA) and 'Distributed Energy' (DE) scenarios are not fully self-consistent and fail to align with 1.5C pathways. Ember recommends introducing a higher-ambition scenario with at least 90% emissions reduction by 2040 and urges the removal of fossil methane from heating and transport by 2050.

The Coalition to Counter Online Antisemitism (CCOA), funded by Google.org and the TIDES Foundation through 2026, is a multi-stakeholder initiative designed to address the rise of online antisemitism in Europe. The project aims to bridge gaps between research, education, and policy by coordinating efforts across ten countries, including Germany, France, and the UK. The CCOA operates through three dedicated working groups focused on research, education, and policy to scale primary prevention and counter-speech efforts.

The report uses the Six Americas Super Short Survey (SASSY) to categorize Facebook users in 110 countries and territories into six groups: Alarmed, Concerned, Cautious, Disengaged, Doubtful, and Dismissive. The 'Alarmed' group is the largest in approximately 80 of the surveyed locations, with the highest percentages found in Chile (65%), Mexico (64%), Malawi (63%), Bolivia (62%), and Sri Lanka (61%). Conversely, the United States exhibits a higher proportion of 'Doubtful' and 'Dismissive' respondents (22%) compared to other major carbon emitters and is less 'Alarmed' (34%) than many of its peers. Regional analysis shows South America has the highest proportion of countries with a majority of 'Alarmed' respondents, while Southwest Asia and North Africa show higher levels of doubt or dismissal, particularly in Yemen (34%).