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The report assesses the 2009-2014 European Parliament term from a Green perspective, highlighting victories in energy efficiency, data protection, and fisheries, while critiquing the influence of fossil fuel and agro-industrial lobbies. It argues for a more democratic, social, and ecologically sustainable European Union to counter neoliberal austerity and conservative pushback.

Following the 2014 removal of President Viktor Yanukovych, Russia intervened militarily in Ukraine, leading to the annexation of Crimea via a disputed referendum. The author argues that Russia's justification of protecting the 'Russian world' sets a dangerous precedent for further aggression against other former Soviet states.

The document analyzes the 2014 annexation of Crimea, arguing that while Russia violated the political commitments of the 1994 Budapest Memorandum and the Crimean authorities violated Ukrainian constitutional law, the legal status of the annexation is complex due to the nature of 'memorandums' versus treaties and the restrictive application of the 'right to self-determination' in international law. It concludes that the Security Council is unable to act due to Russia's veto, leaving the region in a state where it is legally considered part of Ukraine by most states but practically controlled by Russia.

The author calls for the EU to leverage its economic influence over Russia to end the occupation of Crimea and provide Ukraine with a structured support package. This package includes ten priorities focusing on electoral integrity, institutional reform, energy diversification, and economic modernization to prevent national bankruptcy and ensure long-term stability on the EU's eastern border.

Carbon Market Watch recommends that the European Council increase the EU's 2030 greenhouse gas reduction target to at least 55% and permanently remove the surplus of over 2.5 billion emissions allowances in the EU ETS. The organization warns that carrying over this surplus could weaken the 40% target to a de facto 33% reduction. It further argues against the use of international offsets due to poor environmental quality and cautions that including land-use, land-use change and forestry (LULUCF) sectors as net sinks would undermine the effectiveness of the GHG target.

Carbon Market Watch advocates for a domestic greenhouse gas reduction target of at least 55% by 2030 for Europe. The briefing argues that international offsetting is a 'major policy failure' that undermines domestic abatement and calls for the expiration of the estimated 2 billion surplus allowances and offsets accumulated up to 2020. It further recommends increasing the 'linear reduction factor' for permits in the EU ETS and implementing strict safeguards for any future linking with external carbon markets to prevent the import of substandard credits.

The document examines the nature of far-right extremism in Europe, categorising agents into youth gangs, terrorist cells, political/paramilitary groups, and nativist/anti-Islam movements. It identifies four primary government approach structures: general crime prevention, securitised, social-integration linked, and multi-agent/multi-level. The report highlights significant implementation challenges, including poor data collection, lack of frontline awareness, and the 'securitisation' of the issue which can alienate civil society. It concludes with ten key recommendations, emphasizing the need for comprehensive legal frameworks on hate crime, national Exit programmes for disengagement, and long-term funding for sustainable prevention.

The briefing critiques the EU's Energy Roadmap 2050 for providing only a "superficial treatment" of energy security, primarily limiting its analysis to import dependency and grid stability. The authors argue that energy security is a complex concept encompassing not only security of supply but also security of demand, economic and political risks, and environmental threats. They highlight that the roadmap relies on implicit assumptions—such as the guaranteed expansion of transmission infrastructure and the resolution of nuclear security issues—which may conceal potential challenges in the transition to a low-carbon system. The document advocates for a shift from purely quantitative metrics to a framework that includes qualitative assessments and considers the perspectives of various actors, including households and industries.

The document is an open letter addressed to ministers and delegates of UNFCCC signatory states, urging them to adopt ambitious climate protection measures and stop the use of emissions trading to weaken climate commitments. The signatories, representing 33 countries, demand the rejection of a pilot phase for emissions unit trading under the Framework for Various Approaches (FVA), the prevention of double counting, and the exclusion of non-additional projects and coal from the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM). They also call for the cessation of fossil fuel subsidies and the implementation of human rights safeguards in climate projects.

Carbon Market Watch argues that international carbon offsets have failed to deliver promised climate benefits and have undermined the EU's domestic abatement efforts. The brief recommends a legally binding EU domestic GHG reduction target of at least 55% below 1990 levels for 2030, the total elimination of international offsets for meeting mitigation obligations post-2020, and the implementation of safeguards when linking the EU ETS to other trading schemes. It further suggests that climate finance should shift away from carbon markets toward regulation, standards, and incentive programs, such as performance-based financing for Nationally Appropriate Mitigation Actions (NAMAs).

This fact sheet outlines seven major nuclear accidents occurring between 1957 and 2011, including the Fukushima Dai-ichi, Chernobyl, and Three Mile Island disasters. It describes the technical failures, human errors, and environmental impacts associated with each event, ranging from partial fuel meltdowns to catastrophic explosions and large-scale radioactive releases.

The document examines how international carbon offsets under the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) and Joint Implementation (JI) have contributed to an oversupply of allowances in the EU Emissions Trading System (EU-ETS) and the Effort Sharing Decision (ESD). It highlights critical failures in 'additionality', noting that many projects would have occurred without offset funding, and points to a lack of sustainability and human rights protections. The author recommends a ban on industrial gas projects, large-scale power projects, and JI track 1 projects for the 2013-2020 period.

The document examines the AAU market from 2008 to 2012, focusing on how Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries used Green Investment Schemes (GIS) to transform 'hot air'—surplus emission rights resulting from economic downturns—into funding for climate mitigation. It analyzes the strategies of seller countries like Estonia and the Czech Republic, which were successful due to transparent monitoring, and buyer countries like Japan and Spain, which used these deals for technology exports. The report highlights a significant price drop in AAUs by 2012 and discusses the potential for GIS to inform future fund-based mechanisms like NAMAs in developing countries.

The report analyzes the costs and benefits of France's biofuel policies in 2011, finding that while bioethanol provides some emission reductions, conventional biodiesel often leads to net emission increases due to indirect land-use change (ILUC). Financial support for the sector, primarily through blending mandates and excise tax exemptions, is estimated between €782 million and €1.01 billion. The study also notes that biodiesel's reliance on imported feedstocks limits its contribution to energy security compared to bioethanol.

The report finds that Spain's biofuel policies, particularly for biodiesel, have often resulted in marginal benefits and net emission increases due to a high reliance on imported fuels and feedstocks. While ethanol provided modest emission savings, the overall sector saw a GDP contraction in 2011. The study highlights that conventional biodiesel is a costly and environmentally damaging option compared to other renewable energy technologies, and recommends phasing out support for first-generation biofuels in favor of low-carbon alternatives.

The report argues that the EU ETS has failed to drive domestic emissions reductions due to a cap set against inflated projections and a flood of low-quality offsets. It finds that the system is now cancelling out approximately 700 million tonnes of abatement from other EU policies. The author recommends the permanent removal of 1.7 billion allowances from Phase 3 auctions to restore environmental integrity and increase Europe's 2020 climate target to 30% below 1990 levels.

The policy brief examines the climate impact of aviation, which contributes between 5% and 14% of global climate emissions. It critiques the reliance on offsetting, arguing that only a cap-and-trade system with a strict cap can deliver real in-sector reductions. The document analyzes ICAO's proposed measures, including a 'basket of measures' and various market-based options, while warning that low-quality offsets from mechanisms like the CDM and JI undermine environmental integrity. It also details the EU's attempt to include international flights in the EU-ETS and the subsequent 'stop the clock' derogation to allow ICAO to find a global solution.

Carbon Market Watch argues that existing carbon markets have collapsed due to oversupply and poor quality, specifically citing the CDM and JI. The briefing recommends strengthening additionality criteria, shortening crediting periods, and establishing mandatory human rights and sustainability safeguards. For new mechanisms like the FVA and NMM, it advocates for a binding international governance structure and a common transaction tracking mechanism to prevent double counting of emission reductions.

The document discusses the outcome of the COP18 meeting in Doha concerning the approximately 13 billion tonnes of CO2-equivalent surplus assigned amount units (AAUs) from the Kyoto Protocol's first commitment period (2008-2012). It identifies Russia, Ukraine, and Poland as the largest holders of these surpluses and notes that without restrictions, these units could allow countries to meet their second commitment period (2013-2020) targets without taking further action. The text outlines the various proposals from the African Group, AOSIS, Brazil, the G-77 and China, and Switzerland, as well as the internal EU compromise reached between countries seeking strict limits (Germany, UK, Denmark) and Poland.

The document argues that Joint Implementation (JI) requires significant reform to prevent the 'laundering' of surplus emission units and to ensure that credits represent real, additional greenhouse gas reductions. CAN-I recommends a single unified track with stringent oversight, the prohibition of using first commitment period (CP1) Assigned Amount Units (AAUs) to shadow credits during the transition to the second commitment period (CP2), and the implementation of mandatory independent audits for baselines and 'positive lists'. It further calls for a robust appeals process that allows NGOs to challenge project approvals and a mandatory 30-day public comment period for monitoring reports.