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The document examines the rise of NGOs in Africa since the 1980s, driven by the perceived failure of states to provide basic services and maintain accountability. While NGOs have partnered with international agencies like the World Bank and UN to fill gaps in health and education, their increasing capacity has led to conflict with African governments. States often view autonomous NGOs as political challengers, leading to restrictive legislation in countries such as Kenya and Uganda. The author concludes that while NGOs offer a development alternative, they cannot substitute for the state's role in providing essential infrastructure and basic services.

This policy brief by the Institute for Security Studies examines the African Union's (AU) strategy to increase troop levels for the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) following suicide bombings in Uganda in July 2010.

The briefing examines the failure of MONUC and the Congolese army (FARDC) to contain rebel movements in eastern DRC, highlighting allegations that MONUC provided logistical support to the FARDC during operations that benefited FDLR rebels. It details how neighboring countries—Uganda, Tanzania, and Burundi—illegally support the FDLR through gold trade, weapons supply, and recruitment. The text argues that regional agreements, such as those from the Tripartite Plus Joint Commission and the Nairobi Communiqué, are being undermined by a lack of stakeholder commitment and international failures, including the presence of FDLR leaders in Germany and France. The author calls for a comprehensive strategy to neutralize all armed groups and a reformed disarmament approach for the FDLR.

The report argues that the US strategy of combining counter-terrorism with state building in Somalia, lacking local knowledge and long-term planning, is likely to incite a violent backlash. It highlights how the US securitised 'failed states' as terrorism sources, leading to actions such as paying warlords to track al-Qa’eda and providing tacit support for the Ethiopian invasion in 2006. The author contends that only a shift toward regional diplomacy and civilian peacebuilding can restrain the current violence.

The crisis in South Sudan has intensified regional rivalries in the Horn of Africa, drawing in neighboring states through military intervention, refugee influxes, and proxy support. Uganda has intervened militarily to support President Salva Kiir's government to protect economic interests and political influence. Sudan, while officially supporting the government, is suspected of supporting opposition forces to weaken South Sudan and re-establish influence. Ethiopia seeks to prevent a total state collapse to avoid ethnic spillover into its Gambella region and to block Eritrean infiltration. Eritrea is alleged to be covertly supporting opposition forces to undermine Ethiopia's regional predominance and strengthen its strategic relationship with Sudan.

The briefing warns that South Sudan's peace process is nearing collapse due to rising tensions between President Salva Kiir and First Vice-President Riek Machar. Following clashes in Nasir and the subsequent house arrest of Machar and other opposition figures, the document highlights how economic decline—driven by a 68% drop in oil production—has undermined the patronage systems used to maintain political loyalty. It suggests that the most likely outcome is further entrenchment of armed factions, and urges the African Union to secure the release of detainees and coordinate with IGAD to prevent a total breakdown of the R-ARCSS power-sharing arrangement.

The document analyzes the war in northern Uganda as a dual conflict consisting of a multi-faceted rebellion against the NRM government and a violent insurgency by Joseph Kony's LRA. It argues that the LRA lacks popular support and is driven by apocalyptic spiritualism, while the government's military response and the arming of civilian militias have exacerbated instability. The authors recommend a shift toward civilian protection, a Truth and Reconciliation process to address historical injustices, and the extension of the Amnesty Act to encourage peace.

The document warns that a proposed Protocol to the Convention on Conventional Weapons (CCW) would allow some countries to continue trading, stockpiling, and using cluster munitions, thereby weakening the international legal standard established by the 2008 Convention on Cluster Munitions (CCM). It highlights that Africa is disproportionately affected by these weapons, with nearly a third of affected countries and territories located on the continent. The author urges African states to maintain their commitment to a total ban to avoid setting a dangerous legal precedent where a lower standard of international law is adopted after a higher one has already been agreed upon.

The document examines Uganda's threat to withdraw its forces from AMISOM, which follows allegations of Ugandan support for the M23 rebellion in the DRC. It highlights the risk that an untimely withdrawal without replacement could reverse security gains in Somalia and damage Uganda's reputation as a regional peace-broker. The briefing suggests the threat may be a political strategy to emphasize Uganda's contributions to international security, noting that diplomatic pressure, including a visit by US Ambassador Wendy Sherman, is likely being used to dissuade the withdrawal.

The research paper argues that land in eastern DRC has transitioned from a basis of social identity to a currency of political and economic power, fueling ethnic conflict. It details how colonial 'indirect rule' and post-colonial legislation, such as the 1973 General Property Law, created a dual system of tenure that marginalized rural populations and empowered elites. In Masisi and Ituri, this structural insecurity was manipulated by local and regional actors to trigger mass violence, with land becoming a 'resource' for warlords to consolidate power through the control of 'unfree labour'.

The document examines the demobilisation and reintegration of military personnel across various African nations, arguing that while downsizing armed forces can potentially free resources for development and serve as a confidence-building measure, the actual impact is not automatic. It highlights that high costs of resettlement and reintegration often offset short-term financial gains. The author emphasizes that successful demobilisation depends heavily on political will, the institutional environment, and the availability of sustainable economic opportunities for ex-combatants to prevent the reoccurrence of conflict.

The document details a seminar on the African Union's (AU) response to unconstitutional changes of government, specifically military coups. It evaluates the Lomé Declaration and the AU's consistency in applying sanctions, while proposing reforms to address poor governance and presidential term limits to prevent future instability.

The report details the outcomes of a conference held in Jinja, Uganda, from 11 to 13 March 2009, focusing on the impact of HIV and AIDS on African armed forces. It argues that the pandemic threatens regional security and development, specifically noting that recruitment policies based on health factors can lead to "grossly diminished soldier’s combat readiness." The participants recommend the creation of an African Network on HIV and AIDS in the military to spearhead a unified policy (CCAAHM) covering recruitment, the care of HIV-positive soldiers, and guidelines for peacekeeping deployments. Key proposed actions include adopting a common policy for control and prevention, integrating voluntary counseling and testing (VCCT) in pre-deployment, and conducting human rights assessments of HIV-related military policies.

The document provides a detailed analysis of the Burundi peace process, focusing on the transition from civil war to a conditional peace. It examines the diplomatic facilitation by Nelson Mandela and Jacob Zuma, the deployment of the South African Protection Support Detachment (SAPSD), the African Mission in Burundi (AMIB), and the UN Operation in Burundi (ONUB). Key areas of focus include the Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) of various rebel groups, specifically the CNDD-FDD and PALIPEHUTU-FNL, the reform of the national army and police, and the organization of the 2005 elections. It concludes with the transition to the UN Integrated Office in Burundi (BINUB) and the final demobilization of the FNL in 2009.

The document provides an analytical account of child soldiering in Africa, focusing on the drivers, roles, and consequences for both boys and girls. It argues that the use of children is a global phenomenon facilitated by the proliferation of light weapons and the nature of modern intra-state civil wars. The author emphasizes that recruitment is often a deliberate military strategy based on the agility and controllability of children, or a result of extreme poverty and state collapse. The text highlights the specific, often invisible, experiences of girl soldiers, who serve as combatants, spies, and forced 'wives'. It concludes that child soldiering creates a 'scarred generation' and a dysfunctional notion of childhood, which in turn alters the culture of the affected societies.

The document examines the cycle of abduction, militarisation, and reintegration of children in Northern Uganda, specifically those targeted by the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA). It details the psychological brutalisation used to control child soldiers, the role of spiritual rituals in the LRA, and the effectiveness of psychosocial rehabilitation centres like GUSCO and World Vision. The authors argue that the focus on child soldiers often serves as a 'smokescreen' that obscures the underlying political disenfranchisement and economic collapse of the Acholi region, while highlighting the importance of traditional Acholi cleansing rituals in facilitating community reconciliation.

The report argues that conflict in the Kivus is rooted in long-term bad governance and disputes over land and ethnicity, rather than solely foreign intervention. It analyzes the fragmentation of the RCD-G and the structure of Mayi-Mayi militias, emphasizing that sustainable peace requires the unification of the army, the resolution of local land disputes, and improved diplomatic and economic cooperation between the DRC and Rwanda.

The research paper evaluates the impact of the IEMF (Operation ARTEMIS) in stabilizing Bunia, DRC, noting its success in restoring basic security and facilitating the return of displaced persons, while highlighting its failure to prevent atrocities outside its limited area of responsibility. It outlines three future scenarios—worst, best, and most likely—and recommends an integrated approach combining military peace-enforcement, political support for the Ituri Interim Administration (IIA), and the implementation of a Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) process to address the root causes of ethnic conflict between Hema and Lendu communities.

The document proposes a comprehensive framework to analyze and overcome the stagnation of growth and development in Africa. It identifies key constraints—including climate, geography, weak governance, and conflict—and organizes a work programme around three linked areas: growth and resources, empowerment and culture, and governance and institutions. The framework emphasizes the need for a "big push" of mutually supporting actions, focusing on private sector-led growth, agricultural improvement, trade diversification, human development, and enhanced transparency in economic governance. It specifically highlights the vulnerability of African economic growth to climate change and the necessity of increasing concessional resources and aid effectiveness to support these goals.

The document examines the conflict between Ethiopia and Egypt over the proposed Great Millennium Dam, a project with a 5,250 megawatt capacity. Egypt has expressed concerns regarding its water quota and has threatened military action, while Ethiopia links Egyptian access to the site to the signing of the Cooperative Framework Agreement (CFA). The dispute is framed by the CFA, which is supported by several upper Nile Basin states but rejected by Egypt, and is further complicated by the independence of Southern Sudan.