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The document analyzes three generations of unconstitutional power shifts in Africa, from post-independence coups to modern manipulations of term limits and 'models' of military intervention. It argues that while Regional Economic Communities (RECs) like ECOWAS and SADC have the potential to mitigate these trends through sanctions and democratic protocols, their effectiveness is hindered by state sovereignty, inconsistent implementation of laws, and the influence of powerful regional leaders who support usurpers. The authors recommend that RECs focus on root causes—such as socioeconomic stagnation and weak institutions—and encourage the ratification of the AU Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance.

The document assesses the role of human rights in African international relations, arguing that while the continent has established significant monitoring bodies and ratified treaties, human rights often remain a "variable concern" subordinated to national interests and geopolitical strategies. It highlights the influence of "African solutions to African problems" in conflict resolution and the impact of China's non-interference policy as an alternative to Western conditionality. The author concludes that for human rights to be central to foreign policy, African states must develop a unified continental approach that harmonizes trade, security, and justice while adhering to agreed-upon democratic standards.

The document examines how human rights are integrated into African international relations, noting a gap between formal commitments to regional and international treaties and the practical application of these norms. It highlights how national interests, historical colonial ties, and the emergence of non-conditional economic partnerships—particularly with China—often supersede human rights considerations. The author analyzes specific cases, such as the African Union's response to the ICC warrant for Omar Al-Bashir and South Africa's diplomatic balancing act, to argue that human rights often remain a "variable concern" rather than a central pillar of foreign policy.

The report analyzes Ghana's 2008 elections as a landmark in its democratic transition, attributing the peaceful power alternation to the commitment of political actors, an independent electoral commission, and active civil society. While highlighting the shift toward a two-party system dominated by the NPP and NDC, the author notes persistent challenges including ethnic-regional voting patterns, the under-representation of women, and the potential risks associated with the discovery of oil.

The document details a seminar on the restitution of cultural heritage, contrasting Austria's evolving legal framework for returning Nazi-looted art with the ongoing difficulties in recovering African artifacts and human remains from former colonial powers. It highlights the role of external pressure and legal action in achieving restitution and examines the complexities of identifying beneficiaries and culprits in colonial contexts.

The briefing argues that Andry Rajoelina's ascent to power in Madagascar in March 2009 was an "unconstitutional change of government" because it bypassed electoral processes and violated constitutional age requirements and succession rules. It notes that the military's role in declaring Rajoelina president overrode President Marc Ravalomanana's suggestion of a military directorate. The document suggests that Rajoelina may have been inspired by Ravalomanana's own 2002 seizure of power. It attributes the failure of mediation to a lack of coordination among numerous international and local actors, including the AU, SADC, and IOC, and warns that the political instability has adversely affected Madagascar's tourism sector.

The document analyzes the New Patriotic Party (NPP) in Ghana, tracing its roots in the Danquah-Busia tradition and its performance after taking power in 2000. It evaluates the NPP's economic policies, such as the 'golden age of business', and its efforts toward poverty reduction and Millennium Development Goals. The paper also discusses internal party dynamics, the role of ethnicity in voting patterns, and the factors contributing to the NPP's defeat in the 2008 elections, including perceptions of corruption and unfulfilled campaign promises.

The research finds that civil conflicts last longer when they are located far from the government stronghold, near international borders, or in regions with valuable minerals like gemstones and petroleum. Conversely, higher rebel military capacity is associated with shorter conflict durations. The study concludes that geography significantly shapes the balance of power and the ability of belligerents to sustain warfare.

The seminar analyzed the Pan-African Parliament's (PAP) efforts to uphold democratic principles in Africa, noting that many elections serve as a "façade for democracy within semi-authoritarian systems." Participants discussed the limitations of the PAP as a consultative body and the need to transition from short-term election observation to long-term monitoring and supervision. The report emphasizes the necessity of a common code of conduct for observers and the importance of professional, non-partisan parliamentarians to ensure credible elections.

The report identifies thirteen dimensions of unfairness in Zimbabwe's March 2005 parliamentary elections, concluding they were not free and fair. Despite some improvements following SADC principles, the author highlights critical failures including a weak Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC), repressive legislation, state control of media, and discrepancies between observer and official vote counts. The document argues that these flaws, alongside a constitution that favours the incumbent, necessitate urgent constitutional reform and the establishment of a truly independent electoral commission to prevent conflict.

The document examines the 'education crisis' in Sub-Saharan Africa, arguing that the narrow focus on the UN Millennium Development Goals' target of universal primary education has compromised teaching quality and diverted funds from secondary and tertiary levels. It highlights critical barriers to progress, including the HIV/AIDS epidemic, severe teacher shortages, outdated colonial curricula, and gender disparities. The report contends that without systemic reforms—including better teacher training, increased investment in science and mathematics, and a shift toward vocational and secondary education—the region will remain economically marginalised and unable to compete globally.

The author contends that the Pan-African Parliament (PAP) currently functions largely as a 'talk-shop' that endorses executive decisions rather than exercising its oversight potential. While the PAP has made recommendations on conflicts in Darfur, Congo, and Cote d’Ivoire, it has failed to scrutinize AU budgets or challenge election abuses in Zimbabwe. The document suggests the PAP should use the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) to compel governments to implement national action plans and calls for a more representative selection process for its members to ensure democratic credibility.

The briefing examines China's policy of offering duty-free treatment to 440 products from 30 African LDCs. While the scheme is tailored to existing export capacities, the author argues its economic impact is modest compared to its symbolic diplomatic value in signaling China's rise as a great power and alternative to Western donors.

The paper contrasts the Economic Community of West African States' (ECOWAS) successful intervention against a military-backed dynastic succession in Togo with the Southern African Development Community's (SADC) 'hands-off approach' to political suppression and electoral irregularities in Zimbabwe.

The document lists the signature, ratification, and deposit dates for 53 African entities regarding the AU Convention on the Prevention and Combating of Terrorism. As of 23 June 2006, 48 countries had signed the convention, while 36 had completed ratification or accession and deposited their instruments.

The report argues that the West African Gas Pipeline (WAGP), a 681 km project involving Nigeria, Benin, Togo, and Ghana, fails to deliver its promised benefits. It contends that the project does not promote genuine regional integration, may increase energy costs for Ghana, and is unlikely to significantly reduce gas flaring in Nigeria. The document highlights concerns over the project's legal structure in Bermuda, the lack of environmental impact studies for the Escravos pipeline, and the continued reliance on fossil fuels.

The report examines how trade liberalization, specifically through the WTO's Doha Round and NAMA negotiations, facilitates the privatization of natural resources and harms marginalized populations. It provides case studies on the depletion of fisheries in the Philippines and Seychelles, deforestation in Indonesia and Central America, and the impact of industrial pig farming and soy expansion in Denmark and Argentina. The document advocates for food and energy sovereignty and the recognition of water as a human right over a tradable commodity.

The document examines the relationship between natural resource access and poverty, arguing that neoliberal policies—such as trade liberalization, privatization, and industrial agriculture—exacerbate rural poverty by stripping local communities of their resources. It provides case studies from various regions to demonstrate how community-based management of forests, fisheries, and water, alongside sustainable energy and agro-ecological farming, can effectively alleviate poverty. The report calls for the unconditional cancellation of external debt, the recognition of an 'ecological debt' owed by the North to the South, and a structural shift away from corporate-driven development toward food sovereignty and environmental justice.

The document examines the relationship between environmental health and rural poverty, asserting that neoliberal policies—such as trade liberalization, privatization, and industrial agribusiness—exacerbate poverty by stripping local communities of their natural resources. It provides global case studies where community-led management of forests, fisheries, and water, alongside sustainable energy and agroecological farming, offers a viable path toward poverty eradication and environmental restoration.

The report examines the link between environmental degradation and rural poverty, asserting that neoliberal policies—such as trade liberalization, privatization, and industrial agriculture—exacerbate poverty by stripping communities of their natural resources. It provides global case studies where community-led initiatives in forestry, fisheries, and renewable energy have successfully improved livelihoods. The document advocates for the unconditional cancellation of external debt, the recognition of an 'ecological debt' owed by the North to the South, and the promotion of food sovereignty and environmental justice.