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The document analyzes Senegalese foreign policy under President Abdoulaye Wade (2000–2012) and the transition to President Macky Sall. It highlights a shift from 'classical' diplomacy led by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs toward a more technical, economy-centered approach involving non-state actors and specialized ministries. The paper emphasizes the 'hyper-power' of the presidency over the legislature and judiciary in external affairs. Key trends include a realignment toward emerging economic powers like China and Dubai, a revival of Pan-Africanist goals through the African Union and Nepad, and a high degree of personalization in diplomacy under Wade. Following the 2012 election, the author notes a return to traditional diplomacy, characterized by restored ties with France and improved relations with neighbors like Gambia and Mauritania.

The document analyzes Senegal's use of patronage, economic influence, and military cooperation to exercise power over Guinea-Bissau from 2000 to 2012. It highlights how Senegal leveraged Guinea-Bissau's instability to secure military support against Casamance separatists, while noting the eventual decline of this influence due to the rise of Angolan involvement and internal Senegalese political shifts.

The report details a conference on Sino-African Union cooperation in peace and security, exploring the intersection of China's economic engagement and Africa's security architecture. Key discussions focus on the 'African solutions to African problems' principle, the role of Regional Economic Communities (RECs) like ECOWAS and IGAD, and specific conflict zones such as the two Sudans and Somalia. While acknowledging China's role in infrastructure and condition-free aid, the report highlights concerns regarding environmental degradation, the influx of cheap goods, and the impact of arms supplies. It recommends a shift from ad-hoc crisis reaction to a proactive role for China, emphasizing capacity building for the AU's African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) and the Continental Early Warning System (CEWS).

The document analyzes the first official recognition of agriculture by the UNFCCC at COP 17 in Durban. It reviews submissions from 21 parties to the SBSTA, highlighting a tension between developed countries' focus on scientific mitigation and developing countries' priority on adaptation and food security. The briefing argues that agriculture requires a unique approach to emission reductions—potentially based on efficiency per unit of production—due to the necessity of increasing food supplies for a growing global population. It identifies key points of divergence, including trade implications and the role of smallholder farmers, while suggesting areas of consensus such as the link between agriculture and food security.

The document examines how National Agriculture and Food Security Investment Plans (NAFSIPs) in 14 African countries can be leveraged for climate-smart agriculture. Using a rapid screening methodology, the study finds that approximately 60% of planned activities in these plans address slow-onset climate change, while 18% address extreme events and 19% focus on mitigation. The paper concludes that all reviewed NAFSIPs have potential for both extreme event adaptation and climate mitigation, and recommends further analysis of cost-effectiveness, financing sources, and the integration of innovative climate financing mechanisms to transform these plans into climate-smart interventions.

The 18th AU Summit focused on electing the rotating AU Chair and AU Commission leadership, approving the 2012 budget, and inaugurating a new headquarters building funded by China. The document highlights significant managerial failures within the AU Commission, including a 48% vacancy rate for staff posts and low budget utilization in certain departments.

The document argues that increasing Africa's education spending from 4% to 4.8% of GDP could lead to universal primary education by 2030 and universal basic education by 2035. Using the International Futures (IFs) model, the authors project that this investment would add US$ 2.5 trillion to Africa's GDP by 2050, while significantly reducing child malnutrition, extreme poverty, and the probability of state failure. However, the report notes that these gains require a long-term horizon and a reallocation of government funds away from other sectors like health and the military.

The report examines the state of ICT and Internet policy in West Africa, highlighting the transition from state-led telecommunications to private-sector-driven growth. It details a survey conducted across seven West African countries and Kenya, which reveals overwhelming support for national multi-stakeholder Internet governance forums (IGFs). The findings emphasize that while mobile penetration has grown rapidly, significant gaps remain in broadband access, digital literacy, and regional interconnectivity. The document argues for a holistic policy approach that integrates Internet governance with sustainable development goals, including environmental stewardship and e-governance, while advocating for a shift from top-down government control to inclusive, multi-stakeholder dialogue.

The report analyzes the impasse in WTO Doha Round negotiations regarding environmental goods and services (EGS), specifically the difficulty in defining and listing goods for tariff reduction. It proposes a framework for progress by examining the structures of the CITES, Rotterdam, and Stockholm Conventions, as well as the Energy Star, Marine Stewardship Council (MSC), and coffee sustainability labels. The authors recommend that the WTO avoid creating its own standards, instead referencing external scientific standards, establishing a technical advisory body, and incorporating flexibility through reservations and special treatment for developing countries.

The document examines the 'double incarnation' of Libyan foreign policy under Muammar Qaddafi. From 1970 to the mid-1990s, Libya focused on pan-Arabism and frequently destabilized African nations by supporting rebel groups in Chad, Sudan, Liberia, and Sierra Leone. Since the late 1990s, Tripoli shifted toward pan-Africanism, playing a central role in the establishment of the African Union (AU) and the Community of Sahel and Saharan States (CEN-SAD). The paper details Libya's efforts to act as a peace broker, specifically in the Chad-Sudan conflict, and its use of 'chequebook diplomacy' through development aid and capital investments via companies like LAAICO and LAFICO.

The document analyzes the systemic failures of forest governance in Africa, highlighting how colonial-era centralized bureaucracies and externally imposed paradigms—such as industrial logging, biodiversity conservation, and REDD—have marginalized local stakeholders. It documents widespread corruption where political elites use logging concessions for personal enrichment or political financing, and notes that while some countries have attempted decentralization, these reforms are often bureaucratic and fail to grant genuine tenure rights to communities.

The document details the efforts of the Open Democracy Advice Centre (ODAC) to influence South Africa's African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) process between 2004 and 2008. It argues that the South African government attempted to control the process by excluding specialist NGOs, staffing the National Governing Council (NGC) with government officials, and conducting final drafting of the Country Self-Assessment Report (CSAR) and Programme of Action (POA) behind closed doors. Despite these obstacles, ODAC successfully lobbied for the inclusion of access to information and whistleblower protection in the final binding POA, although the authors note that many of their specific detailed recommendations were omitted.

The report details the struggle of the Open Democracy Advice Centre (ODAC) to integrate transparency and anti-corruption safeguards into South Africa's African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) process. Despite facing government attempts to control the process and exclude specialized NGOs, ODAC successfully lobbied for the inclusion of access to information and whistleblower protection in the final Plan of Action (PA). The document highlights systemic issues in the South African process, including the over-representation of government officials in the National Governance Council and the opaque nature of final document revisions.

The paper examines the tendency of executive branches in Africa to monopolize power, attributing this to inherited colonial structures and a lack of institutional capacity. It highlights how the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) has exposed these governance deficiencies. The author argues that while formal separation of powers exists, it is undermined by political realities and a culture of the 'Big Man'. To counter this, the document advocates for empowering civil society with information to hold the executive accountable and bolstering the independence and resources of the legislature and judiciary.

The document analyzes the tendency of executive branches in African governments to monopolize power, often resulting in the 'big man' cult of personality. It argues that while constitutional frameworks for the separation of powers exist, they are frequently undermined by political realities, lack of resources, and colonial legacies. The author suggests that effective legislative and judicial bodies, supported by an informed and active civil society, are essential to curbing executive abuse and ensuring good governance.

The report examines the early experiences of five African nations implementing the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). It highlights a tension between government-led processes and the need for independent civil society oversight to ensure candid self-assessments. While Ghana is praised for its independent governing council and robust research, Kenya's experience warns of civil society fragmentation and personal gain. Rwanda's process is noted for being heavily government-driven in a restrictive political climate, and Mauritius is presented as a case of failure due to a lack of political will and institutional capacity. South Africa's process is critiqued for unrealistic timelines and government attempts to sanitize findings, though it is noted for its extensive use of the internet and indigenous languages for outreach.

The report provides a comprehensive review of Sustainable Public Procurement (SPP) practices globally, noting that while OECD member states lead in national program implementation, local governments in both developed and developing regions are highly active. It identifies critical barriers to SPP, such as the traditional 'best value for money' mindset and high upfront capital costs, and argues for a shift toward full-life costing. The document analyzes the compatibility of SPP with international trade agreements like the WTO's Agreement on Government Procurement and details specific national efforts in countries such as Brazil, China, India, and South Africa, emphasizing the need for dedicated legal frameworks and multistakeholder collaboration to scale sustainable purchasing.

The report examines the 'aid for trade' concept, which aims to help developing countries, particularly least-developed countries (LDCs), build supply-side capacity and infrastructure to benefit from the multilateral trading system. It analyzes the recommendations of the WTO Task Force on Aid for Trade, the role of the African Group, and the impact of other initiatives like the Enhanced Integrated Framework (IF) and Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) with the EU. The author argues that for aid for trade to be effective in southern and eastern Africa, it must be driven by the recipient countries, integrated into national development strategies, and delinked from market access concessions in the Doha Round.

The seminar explored the tension between pan-Africanist goals of political and economic integration and the practical challenges of state sovereignty, lack of public consultation, and financial constraints. Participants debated whether to accelerate integration or first strengthen existing African Union (AU) structures, with several speakers criticizing the process as an elitist discourse driven by heads of state rather than African citizens.

The document lists the signature, ratification, and deposit dates for 53 African entities regarding the AU Convention on the Prevention and Combating of Terrorism. As of 23 June 2006, 48 countries had signed the convention, while 36 had completed ratification or accession and deposited their instruments.