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The guide outlines a process for civil society organizations to monitor adaptation finance, from analyzing national contexts and compiling international data to mapping funding flows and designing local tracking tools. It emphasizes the use of evidence-based advocacy to ensure funds reach the most vulnerable populations.

The document defines energy poverty as a lack of sufficient alternatives to access adequate, affordable, and sustainable energy services, which hinders economic and human development. It highlights that 1.3 billion people lack electricity and 2.7 billion rely on biomass, leading to severe health issues. The author argues that energy poverty is both a cause and consequence of general poverty, creating a 'poverty trap' that requires specific policy interventions beyond general economic growth. The briefing notes that universal energy access by 2030 is financially feasible, requiring an annual investment of 30 to 35 billion dollars, which is significantly less than global fossil fuel subsidies.

The report argues that conservation initiatives frequently violate the rights of Indigenous Peoples and local communities, despite an increasing international legal consensus on their protections. It asserts that responsibility for upholding these rights extends beyond states to include international organisations, businesses, and NGOs. The authors analyse a vast array of international instruments and find that while normative trends are moving toward greater recognition of rights, enforcement and redress remain significant challenges. The document concludes by suggesting the creation of core standards, stakeholder guidance, and potentially a dedicated global grievance mechanism or 'Roundtable on Ethical Conservation' to ensure just conservation practices.

The document outlines a project in Hue, Vietnam, that sought to balance socioeconomic development from tourism with environmental protection. It highlights the successful promotion of 'garden houses' as a climate mitigation and tourism strategy, the importance of national policy frameworks adapted to local contexts, and the role of leadership in guiding sustainable growth. However, it notes a critical trade-off: while local initiatives can reduce emissions within the city, they cannot address the emissions generated by tourists traveling to the destination.

A greenhouse gas inventory by the Chiang Mai Municipality identified the transportation sector as a priority for emission reductions, leading to a proposal for Non-Motorised Transport (NMT). Surveys at Three Kings Monument Square and the city moat indicate that domestic and foreign tourists support NMT as a means to promote tourism, reduce emissions, and create local jobs, provided that safety and facilities for cycling are improved. The brief recommends a phased implementation of bicycle routes, starting with a 607-meter stretch at Three Kings Monument Square and expanding to approximately 6,000 meters around the Chiang Mai moat, connecting hotels and major tourist destinations.

The document outlines a study on the traditional garden houses of Hue City, Vietnam, which are described as passive buildings designed for local climatic conditions. It notes a decline in the number of these houses from approximately 4,000 to 2,000 households and explores their potential for green tourism, income generation, and gender-specific employment opportunities. The research involved stakeholders including the local municipality, travel agencies, and residents, and was part of a SUMERNET research call on sustainable urban tourism and low-carbon initiatives.

The document discusses the need for robust measurement, reporting, and verification (MRV) systems for REDD+ activities in Lao PDR, Thailand, and Vietnam, emphasizing the integration of community-based participatory monitoring with satellite remote sensing and GIS to build local capacity and involvement.

The report identifies that tourism activities in Chiang Mai municipality emitted approximately 4.4 million tons of CO2 equivalent in 2011, with travel being the primary source of emissions and large hotels being the largest contributing business type.

The report inventories greenhouse gas emissions from tourism-related activities in Hue City, Vietnam, for the year 2011. To collect this data, the study utilized structured questionnaires and face-to-face interviews with fifty tourism-engaged entities of varying scales. The work was produced as part of the SUMERNET research call focusing on sustainable urban tourism and low-carbon initiatives in Hue and Chiang Mai.

The document argues that rapid urbanisation and economic growth in the Greater Mekong Sub-Region have led to increased greenhouse gas emissions from the transport sector. It advocates for the planning of Non-Motorised Transport (NMT), specifically walking and cycling, to reduce emissions, provide health benefits, and enhance the touristic potential and livability of cities.

The paper examines the legal obligations of conservation actors regarding the rights of indigenous peoples, tribal peoples, and local communities. It argues that while states are the primary duty-bearers, international organizations, corporations, and NGOs also have responsibilities to respect human rights based on international customary law and 'social licenses'. The text specifically links these obligations to the implementation of Aichi Target 11 for biodiversity.

The document examines the legal obligations of conservation actors under international human rights law, arguing that while States are primary duty-bearers, international organizations, businesses, and NGOs also bear responsibilities to respect human rights based on customary law or social licenses to operate.

The city of Chiang Mai implemented a non-motorised transport (NMT) system to mitigate greenhouse gas emissions and address urban pressures caused by rapid growth and tourism. This initiative provided co-benefits including improved air quality, reduced traffic congestion, and income generation for the urban poor. While the project served as a catalyst for broader low-carbon action and sustainable land-use practices within the city, it also highlighted a trade-off: local initiatives can reduce in situ emissions but cannot address the emissions generated by tourists traveling to the destination.

The document details Chiang Mai's transition toward sustainable urban tourism by implementing a non-motorised transport (NMT) strategy. Facing rapid growth and high emissions from the tourism sector—which generated 4,417,511 tons of CO2e in 2011—the city focused on walking and cycling to mitigate climate impact and alleviate poverty. The initiative, supported by the Mayor and a multi-stakeholder partnership, aims to increase bicycle lane networks from 4% to 10% in the city centre. The project served as a catalyst for further low-carbon policies, including a Global Environment Facility (GEF) pilot project and the proposed Chiang Mai City Council for Climate Change.

The document examines the 'Sustainable Urban Tourism through Low Carbon Initiatives' project in Hue, Vietnam. It identifies that the tourism sector emitted approximately 492,200 tons of CO2e in 2011, with travel being the largest source. The city promoted 'garden houses' as a viable mitigation strategy because they act as carbon sinks, reduce waste through composting, and lower freight emissions by producing local food. This approach also supports local employment, particularly for middle-aged women and non-motorised transport operators. While the initiative reduced in-situ emissions and strengthened the city's commitment to sustainable tourism, the document notes a trade-off: increased tourist attraction may lead to higher overall emissions from travel to the city, which exceeds local reductions.

The document argues that climate compatible development is won or lost at the subnational level, where local actors face intense pressure from climate extremes but possess unique advantages in local knowledge and cross-sectoral coordination. It identifies key barriers, such as scientific uncertainty at local scales and a gap between public expectations and available resources. To overcome these, the paper recommends strategies including the cultivation of local political 'champions', the creation of 'knowledge partnerships' to translate climate science for communities, and the use of participatory planning to mobilise in-kind resources. It emphasizes that for these local successes to contribute to global transformational change, they must be 'scaled out' to other localities and 'scaled up' into national policy frameworks.

The document analyzes the gap between current and ideal governance practices for sustainable development in Asia-Pacific, focusing on multistakeholder processes, vertical and horizontal integration, and monitoring and evaluation. It identifies a prevalence of 'silo' approaches where sustainable development is managed primarily by environment ministries and recommends a comprehensive capacity-building agenda to improve long-term strategic planning, data quality, and subnational implementation.

A coalition of social movements and NGOs argues that the FAO's current forest definition is reductionist and primarily benefits industrial timber, pulp, paper, and rubber companies. The authors contend that by defining forests simply as land with a certain percentage of tree cover, the FAO erroneously classifies large-scale monoculture plantations as 'reforestation' and ignores the structural and cultural importance of forests to the 300 million people who depend on them for their livelihoods. The letter calls for a new, community-led definition process that recognizes the role of forests in food sovereignty and biological diversity.

This informational brochure examines the development of nanotechnology in the Asia-Pacific region, noting that while countries like China, Japan, and South Korea have invested heavily in the sector, there is a critical lack of funding for evaluating health and environmental risks. Consequently, nanoproducts are entering the market unregulated and unlabeled, despite the technology's promotion as a solution for regional challenges such as energy diversification and disease treatment.

The Philippines successfully phased out most consumer energy subsidies by deregulating the downstream oil industry in 1998 and restructuring the electricity sector via the Electric Power Industry Reform Act of 2001. To manage the social impacts of these reforms, the government implemented targeted measures including the Pantawid Pamilya Pilipino Program (4Ps) conditional cash transfers, lifeline electricity rates, and the Pantawid Pasada program for public transport operators. While the country has attracted private investment and improved energy efficiency, it continues to face challenges such as high electricity rates, power shortages in Mindanao, and fuel smuggling.