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The report presents a series of expert contributions from Green movements in 16 European countries, arguing that labour taxes are often the primary source of government revenue and should be shifted toward taxes on pollution, capital, and resource use. Proposed alternatives include carbon taxes, wealth taxes, and taxes on automated work, while improvements to labour taxation focus on increasing progressivity, introducing negative income taxes for low earners, and simplifying tax codes.

The transition to renewable energy is expected to reduce dependencies on fossil fuel importers and lower energy prices, but it introduces new geopolitical challenges. The author argues that 'pipeline politics' will be replaced by 'grid politics', where control over interconnectors, hubs, and storage facilities becomes central. For Europe, while the transition offers a path away from reliance on Russia and the Gulf region, success depends on the EU's ability to manage internal divergences in national energy priorities and compete with Asia and the US in the clean tech market and for rare minerals.

The document examines how progressive taxation can address extreme poverty and economic inequality, particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa and South Africa. It evaluates several tax instruments, including Financial Transaction Taxes (FTTs), net wealth taxes, property taxes, and Resource Rent Taxes (RTT), detailing their potential to generate revenue for social protection and climate justice. Using South Africa as a case study, the brief provides specific revenue estimates for various progressive measures, such as a net wealth tax that could raise between R70 and R160 billion.

The document argues that poverty and environmental degradation are mutually reinforcing systemic issues that must be addressed together. It traces the shift from measuring poverty solely by household income to multidimensional indices, such as the Human Development Index (HDI) and the Planetary-Pressures Adjusted HDI, which incorporate carbon emissions and material footprints. The text highlights how climate change, conflict, and the COVID-19 pandemic disproportionately affect the poor, while noting that the resource consumption of the wealthiest 10% of the global population prevents the poor from escaping poverty within planetary boundaries. It recommends that governments shift from GDP-centric metrics to national well-being indices that include marginalized groups and environmental health.

The document argues that while global financial assets are sufficient to fund sustainable development, a significant funding gap and digital divide persist. It traces the history of international environmental cooperation from the 1972 Stockholm Conference to the 2015 Addis Ababa Action Agenda and the Paris Agreement. Key challenges identified include the failure of developed nations to meet the $100 billion annual climate finance goal, fragmented funding architectures, and barriers to technology transfer such as intellectual property rights. The text emphasizes that digital technologies (AI, blockchain, cloud computing) offer immense potential for zero-carbon energy and circular economies, provided that access is equitable and risks like data privacy and job loss are managed.

The communiqué calls for the elimination of fossil-fuel subsidies to help limit global temperature increases to below 2°C, noting that such subsidies encourage wasteful consumption and hinder renewable energy investment. It emphasizes that reform should be transparent, ambitious, and accompanied by targeted support for the poor, while referencing existing commitments from the G20 and APEC.

The document outlines a four-step process for issuing green bonds in China: identifying eligible green projects, arranging independent reviews, establishing tracking and reporting procedures, and executing the bond issuance. It emphasizes that green bonds are defined by the 'green designated use' of funds rather than the overall nature of the issuing company. The guide highlights the potential for 're-labeling' existing Chinese government debt—estimated at $164 billion used for green assets—as green bonds if verification procedures are implemented. It also provides international examples from the European Investment Bank, EDF, and the City of Gothenburg to illustrate best practices in certification and transparency.

The EU has established a framework to phase out fossil fuel subsidies by 2020, including a legal obligation to end hard coal mining subsidies by 2018. While the EU has reduced its own direct budgetary support and some member states have implemented tax reforms, significant challenges remain. The document highlights a tension between official commitments and actual practice, noting that some countries may use transparency measures to avoid eliminating a broad range of subsidies. A significant portion of coal-related fiscal support in countries like Germany, Spain, and the Czech Republic has been redirected toward just transition measures for workers and site rehabilitation.

The document analyzes how Saudi Arabia, China, and South Africa have implemented various taxes on fossil fuel consumption to address budget deficits and fund renewable energy. It highlights China's Renewable Electricity Surcharge, which raised USD 16 billion in 2016, and South Africa's multi-layered approach including fuel and electricity levies. Saudi Arabia's 2018 introduction of a 5% VAT is noted as a move to diversify revenue away from oil dependency.

The document analyzes how trade liberalization affects the environment through product, scale, structural, and direct effects. It examines the legal tensions between World Trade Organization (WTO) rules and Multilateral Environmental Agreements (MEAs), specifically focusing on Process and Production Methods (PPMs), intellectual property rights (TRIPS), and agricultural subsidies. It argues that trade liberalization does not automatically harm or help the environment, but its outcome depends on the integration of economic and environmental policies.

The research project examined SD strategies in 19 countries and the European Union, concluding that while innovations exist in strategy types and participation, no country has achieved a truly strategic approach due to fragmented management cycles and weak feedback processes. Key findings highlight that SD strategies often remain peripheral to national budgeting and struggle with 'the administrative trap' of vertical government structures. The document identifies four main strategy types: comprehensive and multi-dimensional, cross-sectoral, sectoral, and integration into existing planning. Specific innovations are noted, such as Sweden's environmental tax shifting and Switzerland's constitutional elevation of sustainable development to a national goal.

The document analyzes how state-owned enterprises (SOEs) in the G20 and beyond are shifting investments from coal to renewables due to cost competitiveness and climate policies. It highlights specific transitions in China (CEIC), India (Coal India Limited), and Sweden (Vattenfall), while noting that some SOEs, particularly in China, continue to invest in coal-fired power abroad. The text also discusses the role of SOEs in providing social protection during the energy transition and mentions similar shifts in the oil and gas sectors in Saudi Arabia, Norway, and Denmark.

The document details the transition of public finance institutions away from fossil fuel investments, highlighting the role of G20 governments and multilateral development banks in implementing restrictions on coal, oil, and gas financing to align with the Paris Agreement.

The report argues that globalization and environmental degradation are deeply intertwined, creating new security threats and economic risks. It posits that the future of the global environment will be defined by consumption patterns and the ability of emerging economies, particularly China and India, to adopt sustainable development paths. The authors call for a fundamental reform of global governance to move beyond state-centric models and integrate trade and environmental policies under the shared goal of sustainable development.

The document provides a framework for diverting individuals from far-right extremism through four primary strategies: promoting contact across community divides, providing alternative activities, implementing tailored educational programmes, and engaging in direct dialogue on difficult issues. It emphasizes that effective prevention requires non-judgemental marketing, experiential learning over simple fact-sharing, and the creation of safe environments where grievances can be heard before being challenged. The guide illustrates these methods through case studies from Hungary, Poland, Sweden, the UK, Germany, Norway, and the Netherlands, highlighting the importance of humanising anti-racism education and empowering youth to challenge their peers.

The Institute for Security Studies and partners hosted a workshop in October 2010 to discuss the balance between national security and the right to information, specifically focusing on the redrafted Protection of Information Bill in South Africa.

The document examines the breach of arms control systems during the Libyan conflict, specifically focusing on France and Qatar's admission of supplying arms to rebels. It highlights the failure of end-user monitoring and the potential violation of contractual obligations, noting that Qatar may have re-exported arms sourced from the US and other nations, including Swiss ammunition. The author notes the inconsistent international response and the silence of South Africa regarding these transfers despite its own claims of being a responsible arms exporter.

This document is an introductory text for Monograph 46, which compiles papers from a November 1999 conference in Pretoria, South Africa, titled "Building stability in Africa: The challenge for the next millennium." The conference was part of a larger international project, "Challenges of peacekeeping and peace support: Into the 21st century," coordinated by the National Defence College in Stockholm to explore more effective ways of managing regional conflicts and peace support operations.

The Green Climate Fund (GCF) was established at the 2010 Cancun UN climate talks to channel finance from developed to developing countries for climate adaptation and mitigation. While African nations seek the GCF to address 'climate debt' and provide grants for public goods, activists warn that the fund could become a 'Greedy Corporate Fund' if it prioritizes private sector facilities and carbon markets over the needs of the most vulnerable. Significant tension exists regarding the role of the World Bank, which serves as the initial three-year trustee and seeks to be an implementing entity, raising concerns about conflicting interests and the imposition of conditions on poor governments.

The fact sheet compares the climate strategies of eleven major asset owners, detailing their Net Zero targets, interim emissions reduction goals, and specific exclusions of fossil fuels. It highlights varying levels of Scope 3 reporting and tracks financial commitments to climate solutions, with some investors like CDPQ and NYC Funds reporting significant progress or exceeding their targets.