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The document argues that while trade and aid are intended to foster development and security, they often exacerbate conflict through the exploitation of natural resources, volatile aid flows, and unbalanced trade liberalization. It calls for an integrated approach that incorporates security as a primary goal, improves governance, and utilizes mechanisms like commodity price stabilization and product certification to mitigate the 'dark sides' of commerce and assistance.

Drylands cover nearly 40% of the world's land area and are increasingly vulnerable to desertification and climate change. The document highlights two successful community-led initiatives: the Watershed Organisation Trust (WOTR) in Maharashtra, India, which focuses on watershed regeneration and water harvesting, and the Community-Based Rangeland Rehabilitation (CBRR) project in Bara Province, Sudan, which emphasizes rangeland restoration and carbon sequestration. Both cases demonstrate that integrating local knowledge, ensuring strong participation of women, and balancing immediate socio-economic needs with long-term ecological goals are essential for building climate resilience.

The document details the outcomes of a workshop stream titled 'Supporting Protected Areas in Times of Violent Conflict' at the 2003 World Parks Congress. It argues that peace is a fundamental precondition for conservation and that protected areas can either exacerbate or help mitigate conflict depending on their management. Key recommendations include establishing an international crisis response team, recognizing the neutrality of field staff, and integrating conservation ethics into military and humanitarian operations. The report emphasizes the need for proactive community engagement, continued donor support during crises, and the use of specialized monitoring tools like Peace and Conflict Impact Assessments (PCIA) to manage the dynamic relationship between biodiversity conservation and violent conflict.

The document details an interview with Al-Sadig al-Mahdi, who argues that the bilateral peace talks between the Sudanese government and the SPLM/A are insufficient. He advocates for an 'IGAD Plus' approach that incorporates 'new forces'—including marginalized minorities and armed resistance in Darfur—and a transition to a religiously neutral, democratic constitution. Al-Mahdi proposes a strategic alliance between the Umma Party and the SPLM/A to ensure a united, democratic Sudan, while criticizing the National Islamic Front (NIF) and the historical role of the US in supporting regional dictatorships.

This research paper by David H. Shinn analyzes Sudan's strategic position in Africa, focusing on its internal civil war, the economic impact of oil, and its complex bilateral relations with its nine neighboring countries as of March 2003.

The author argues that while the end of the Cold War initially saw a rise in local conflicts, the overall trend is moving toward a more peaceful world. This optimism is grounded in the observed decline in the number of armed conflicts since the late 1990s and the positive influence of global trends such as poverty reduction, democratization, and the rise of international military interventions for conflict settlement. The analysis highlights that internal conflicts (civil wars) are the dominant form of violence and are most strongly linked to poverty, though the author distinguishes between 'greed' and 'grievance' motivations. The document also notes that while ethnic polarization and resource scarcity are often cited as causes of war, systematic evidence is often ambiguous or secondary to broader economic and political factors.

Following the death of Jonas Savimbi on 22 February 2002, the Angolan government initiated a 15 Point Plan to end the 28-year civil war, including a unilateral truce and a proposed blanket amnesty for UNITA fighters. While pre-negotiations between the Angolan Armed Forces (FAA) and UNITA forces (FALA) began in March 2002, the process is complicated by deep divisions within UNITA. The movement is split between the military faction (UNITA-Savimbista), parliamentarians in Luanda, an external mission led by Isaias Samakuva in Paris, and the government-recognized UNITA-Renovada under Eugenio Manuvakola. The document notes that the lack of a clear, unified leadership within UNITA and the potential for the government to delay peacetime administrative reforms may hinder a swift transition to peace.

As of mid-2001, Africa hosted approximately 5 million refugees and 21 million internally displaced persons (IDPs). The report highlights that IDPs now outnumber refugees globally and that in Africa, 80% of refugees are hosted by least developed countries. Significant displacement is driven by conflict and drought, particularly in Sudan, Angola, and the DRC. Children under 18 make up 56% of all refugees in Africa, exceeding 60% in countries such as Angola, Togo, Guinea, Burundi, Rwanda, Sudan, and the DRC.

The author contends that Zimbabwe is experiencing a severe socio-economic and political crisis caused by the Zanu-PF government's failure to transition from a liberation movement to a democratic organization. This crisis is characterized by hyperinflation, food shortages, and state-sponsored violence. The paper criticizes the South African government's 'quiet diplomacy' toward Robert Mugabe, suggesting that South Africa prioritizes 'black solidarity' and the interests of former comrades-in-arms over the promotion of human rights and democracy. The author argues that true liberation requires the empowerment of the masses across political, economic, social, and cultural dimensions, and that South Africa's current policy undermines its leadership credentials within the African renaissance and the New Partnership for Africa's Development (Nepad).

The document examines the 'peace pyramid' model of conflict management in Africa, where subregional organisations act as the base, the OAU as the linkage, and the UN as the apex. It argues that while subregional bodies like ECOWAS and SADC are often better motivated for intervention due to proximity, they lack institutionalised crisis management mechanisms and are built upon fragile states. The author suggests that effective regional security requires a focus on state-building, good governance, and the creation of permanent secretariats to ensure impartiality and reliability.

The report examines the regulatory landscape for domestically prohibited goods (DPGs), categorized into chemicals, pharmaceuticals, consumer products, and hazardous wastes. It details a mix of information exchange mechanisms, voluntary codes, and legally binding treaties, noting that while chemicals are relatively well-covered, significant gaps remain for consumer products and certain pharmaceuticals. The document highlights the challenges faced by developing countries, including lack of technical capacity and the risk of importing hazardous substances that are banned in developed nations.

The report argues that there is no legitimate African cultural tradition that justifies the use of children in armed conflict, noting that traditional age-set systems typically recruited relatively mature men. It examines the limitations of existing international humanitarian and human rights laws, such as the Geneva Conventions and the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, in preventing child recruitment. The author concludes that the establishment of a permanent International Criminal Court (ICC) is the most effective way to ensure individual criminal accountability for those who conscript or enlist children.

The document analyzes the shift from security-focused disarmament forums, such as the Conference on Disarmament (CD) and the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons (CCW), toward the humanitarian-led Ottawa Process. It details the progression of meetings from Ottawa in 1996 through Brussels and Oslo in 1997, culminating in a treaty for a total ban on anti-personnel landmines (APMs). The paper highlights the role of smaller states and NGOs, the specific challenges posed by US security exemptions, and the acute impact of landmines in Africa.

The document analyzes the 1997 South African Regulation of Foreign Military Assistance Bill, which aims to prevent citizens and companies from providing unauthorized military services abroad. The authors argue that the Bill's vague definitions of 'armed conflict' and 'foreign military assistance' could encompass non-combatant activities such as humanitarian aid, election monitoring, and academic research. They highlight concerns regarding the extensive discretionary power granted to the Minister of Defence and the lack of transparency in the authorization process. The paper proposes specific amendments to narrow the scope of the legislation, streamline the approval process, and protect bona fide NGOs and academic institutions from excessive penalties.

The document examines how rising debt burdens in Africa lead to austerity measures that compromise basic human rights, such as health and education. It highlights the success of previous debt relief initiatives like HIPC and MDRI while calling for a human rights-based approach to current debt management and the revamping of the G20 Common Framework.

The document examines resource-backed loans (RBLs) as a tool for financing infrastructure in resource-rich developing nations, particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa. While RBLs can unlock funding and reduce corruption by bypassing government control of funds through special purpose vehicles, they often lead to unsustainable debt, lack of transparency, and unfair terms that favour lenders. The brief recommends integrating RBLs into public procurement systems, increasing transparency, and utilizing expert negotiators to protect national interests.

The document critiques the G20 Common Framework and prior initiatives like HIPC, MDRI, and DSSI, claiming they provide minimal relief while encouraging new borrowing. It highlights the negative impact of credit rating agency biases and the lack of private creditor participation. The authors propose a shift toward an African-led financial system, including a gold-backed currency called the African Financial Asset (AfA), and call for unconditional debt cancellation.

The report outlines six critical dimensions for successful nuclear energy deployment in embarking countries: project execution, regulatory system development, bankability and finance, nonproliferation and security, spent fuel management, and workforce development. It argues for a shift from bespoke 'project' models to standardized 'product' models to reduce costs and risks. The authors propose the creation of new international institutions, such as an International Technical Support Organization (ITSO) and an International Bank for Nuclear Infrastructure (IBNI), to provide the technical and financial support necessary for global scaling.

The document highlights Sudan's significant superhot rock geothermal resources, noting that just 1% of this potential could vastly exceed the country's 2021 electricity consumption. It argues that this energy source offers a low land-use footprint, provides reliable 24/7 power, and could eventually support Sudan's low-carbon energy strategy and economic growth, although it will not reach commercial scale in time to meet 2030 NDC goals.

The document argues that the export of pesticides prohibited or not approved in Europe (EU, Switzerland, and the UK) to parties of the Bamako Convention in Africa and the Central American Agreement constitutes a violation of international law. It asserts that these substances are classified as hazardous waste under the national laws of importing countries and the terms of these regional agreements, thereby breaching the Basel Convention. Furthermore, the text claims that these exports violate international human rights obligations regarding the right to health. The analysis extends to other exporting nations like Canada, China, and Russia, concluding that all Basel Convention parties must immediately prohibit the export of such hazardous chemicals.