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The document examines the legal tension between the right to self-determination and the principle of uti possidetis (the inviolability of colonial borders) in Africa. It argues that South Sudan's independence represents a normative shift from state security to human security, suggesting that territorial integrity is not absolute when serious human rights violations occur and representative government is denied. The author traces the historical marginalisation of southern Sudan and concludes that while independence is a key step, full self-determination requires ongoing democratic and institutional guarantees.

The document outlines three primary factors for South Africa's success on the UN Security Council: restoring relations between the African Union and the Council, adopting a coherent approach to African conflicts, and securing a unified voice with other African members, specifically Morocco. It highlights the tension between South Africa's ambition for a permanent seat and the difficulty of building African consensus, citing divisions over Libya, Syria, and the election of Morocco. The author suggests a pragmatic approach to cooperation with Morocco, potentially using the instability in Sudan as a starting point for alliance-building.

The document argues that the 2011 intervention in Libya, led by NATO and driven by European security concerns, has strained the Africa-Europe relationship. It identifies three primary challenges: the hierarchical European framing of North Africa as a distinct security zone compared to Sub-Saharan Africa, disagreements over the 'responsibility to protect' humanitarian norms, and internal divisions within the African Union's foreign policy architecture, specifically between Francophone and Anglophone interests.

The briefing examines the surge of foreign agricultural land investments since 2008 and the subsequent lack of transparency in host government contracts. It argues that secrecy undermines accountability and human rights, while highlighting countries like Liberia that have implemented transparency legislation to improve governance without deterring investment.

This report documents the 5th African Conference of Commandants (ACoC), held from 28–30 November 2011 in Gaborone, Botswana. The conference brought together commandants from African Staff Colleges to discuss the impact of globalisation on human rights, the proliferation of small arms, gender equality in the military, and the standardisation of military education to support the African Standby Force (ASF) and peace support operations (PSOs).

The report analyzes the geopolitical tensions arising from natural gas discoveries in the Cyprus Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), particularly the conflict between the Republic of Cyprus (RoC) and Turkey. It explores how these resources could either catalyze a political settlement or exacerbate regional instability. Additionally, it provides a comparative analysis of wealth management, contrasting the 'resource curse' seen in Sudan with the successful 'Norwegian model' to offer guidance for Cyprus on avoiding economic pitfalls like 'Dutch disease'.

The 2011-2012 CDKN Partner Survey reveals high satisfaction with the network's information products, particularly its publications and newsletter, with higher approval ratings from partners in the South. While over 83% of respondents found CDKN effective at facilitating knowledge sharing, there were significant criticisms regarding its procurement processes and the administrative burden placed on partners, especially smaller organisations and individual consultants. Partners suggested a greater focus on grassroots support in developing countries and the creation of more practical, field-based partnerships.

The research paper analyzes the similarities and differences between al-Shabaab and the LRA, noting that while both utilize religious frameworks to justify violence and mobilize support, they differ significantly in their leadership structures and goals. Al-Shabaab maintains a decentralized, community-based network with international links and territorial control in parts of Somalia, whereas the LRA has evolved into a small, mobile force focused on survival through pillaging in border zones of Central Africa. The author argues that military-only responses to these groups are ineffective because they fail to address the underlying structural grievances and social marginalization that drive recruitment.

The report analyzes the challenges of the Afghan conflict, emphasizing the need for a proactive, inclusive peace process. It suggests that successful negotiations require third-party facilitation, a structured negotiating framework, and transitional arrangements to manage security and governance. The authors argue against narrow power-sharing between elites, proposing instead a multidimensional approach involving power-sharing, power-dividing, power-creating, and power-diffusing mechanisms across political, military, territorial, and economic dimensions to ensure long-term stability and legitimacy.

The document examines the transition from the African Renaissance Fund (ARF) to the South African Development Partnership Agency (SADPA). It details SADPA's intended role in coordinating international development cooperation, its potential funding of up to R3 billion, and its dual purpose of supporting African regional integration while opening economic opportunities for South African businesses.

The report examines the surge of foreign direct investment in African farmland and water, often termed "land grabs," and its negative impacts on local communities, human rights, and food security. It identifies three main types of investors: food-insecure states, western agribusinesses, and financial sector actors. The document highlights systemic failures, including lack of transparency, weak land tenure laws, and the marginalization of women. It proposes a role for parliamentarians as watchdogs and legislators to ensure free, prior and informed consent and transparency. Key recommendations include land tenure reform, the potential for a moratorium on large-scale land acquisitions, and the adoption of inclusive business models to align investment with national development strategies and the Maputo Declaration.

The document details the consequences of a surge in foreign land acquisitions in Africa, driven by global food and energy demands. It highlights the erosion of local land rights, lack of transparency in contracts, and the marginalization of women. It proposes a parliamentary roadmap including land reform, mandatory community consent, and a potential moratorium on large-scale land acquisitions to ensure investments benefit local populations.

The document analyzes the surge of foreign direct investment in African farmland and water, often termed 'land grabbing', highlighting the systemic lack of transparency and the violation of local land rights. It identifies three types of investors—food-insecure states, agribusinesses, and financial speculators—and examines the legal frameworks that often prioritize investor protections over community rights. The report advocates for a parliamentary role in ensuring social inclusion, promoting inclusive business models, and implementing the Maputo Declaration's agricultural goals. It concludes with a draft resolution calling for a moratorium on large-scale land acquisitions until a proper governance framework is established.

The document details the outcomes of a July 2011 seminar on foreign investment in African arable land and water. It identifies the drivers of 'land grabbing'—including biofuel demand and food insecurity in Gulf and Asian states—and analyzes the negative impacts on rural populations, particularly women. The report highlights a systemic lack of transparency in investment contracts and the weakness of national land laws, which often allow governments to allocate land despite existing community use. It proposes a parliamentary roadmap focusing on legislative oversight, the requirement of free, prior, and informed consent, and the potential for a moratorium on large-scale land acquisitions until robust governance frameworks are established.

The document details the outcomes of a July 2011 seminar on 'land grabs' in Africa, highlighting how large-scale foreign investments often undermine local land rights, water access, and gender equality. It argues that current investment models frequently lack transparency and fail to deliver promised socio-economic benefits. The report calls for a temporary moratorium on large-scale land acquisitions, the adoption of the Maputo Declaration's 10% budget allocation for agriculture, and a stronger role for parliamentarians in overseeing contracts and protecting community rights.

China is increasingly engaging in post-conflict settings in Africa, though it lacks a uniform policy framework. Its approach is characterized by a preference for non-interference, a belief in indigenous African agency, and the prioritization of economic modernization and infrastructure over political reform. In Sudan, China has transitioned from a political patron of Khartoum to a more complex role involving participation in UN and AU peacekeeping missions, providing humanitarian aid in Darfur, and establishing diplomatic relations with the Republic of South Sudan. While China's bilateral model offers rapid infrastructure delivery and financing, the document suggests that future success depends on aligning Chinese assistance with African-led strategies and enhancing synergies between bilateral and multilateral efforts.

The document analyzes the surge of foreign investment in African agricultural land and water, driven by global food and biofuel demand. It highlights systemic issues including the neglect of existing land rights, lack of community consultation, and failure to conduct environmental impact assessments. The author argues that parliamentarians must actively oversee investment contracts and treaties to prevent the prioritization of investor interests over local food security and environmental protection.

The document examines the surge of foreign investment in African agricultural land and water, driven by demand for food and biofuels. It highlights systemic failures in governance, including the disregard for local land rights, lack of community consultation, and the absence of environmental impact assessments. It argues that the current legal landscape—dominated by investor-centric international treaties and contracts—often undermines local food security and environmental protection. The briefing urges parliamentarians to demand transparency, access to investment contracts, and a role in the ratification and monitoring of these deals to ensure sustainable development and the protection of vulnerable populations, particularly women.

The document analyzes the rise of intra-South insecurity in South Sudan, attributing it to historical leadership splits, ethnic tensions, the militarization of politics, and political interference by the SPLM. It details several active rebellions led by former generals and assesses the impact of these dynamics on state stability and development, while providing policy recommendations for the Government of South Sudan and the international community.

The document examines the historical and contemporary drivers of conflict in Sudan, arguing that the centralisation of power in Khartoum and the economic neglect of peripheral regions created a pattern of resistance. It distinguishes between the 'high politics' of oil, which fueled the second civil war and secessionist movements, and the 'low politics' of subsistence resources, such as land and water, which continue to drive local-level violence between pastoralists and farmers. The author concludes that the stability of both Northern and Southern Sudan depends on their ability to move away from elite-driven power concentration and establish inclusive governance and resource-sharing frameworks.