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The research argues that the political weight of a diaspora is not determined by its size or the volume of remittances, but rather by the structure and organization of the home state. In Cape Verde, a state-led effort to organize the diaspora and the adoption of democratic reforms allowed migrants to exert influence through voting and parliamentary representation. In contrast, the Comores' fragmented state and diaspora, and Lesotho's reliance on South African labor without state-led reintegration, resulted in limited political influence for their respective migrant communities. The document highlights that while remittances provide economic survival, they cannot be used as diplomatic leverage like foreign aid, and often reinforce existing social inequalities rather than disrupting them.

The document analyzes the evolution of Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) programs in Africa, noting a shift from vague mandates in the late 1990s to highly specific programs by 2004. It emphasizes that DDR must be a voluntary process integrated into a broader national recovery framework, rather than a standalone social driver for peace. Key challenges identified include the 'quantitative' focus on counting soldiers versus the 'qualitative' need to reverse military indoctrination, the risk of DDR becoming a profit-making venture for ex-combatants, and the difficulty of accurate combatant identification. The report recommends a human-rights-based approach to DDR, better cross-border coordination to prevent combatants from moving between conflicts, and the use of strategic communication, particularly radio, to manage public expectations and support reconciliation.

This report summarizes a seminar held on October 17, 2008, at the United Nations Conference Center regarding the implications of the 2008 US Presidential Election for Africa. The event featured presentations by Dr. Steven Erkovich and Dr. Joseph Vincent Ebode, who analyzed US foreign policy motivations, the specific propositions of candidates Barack Obama and John McCain, and the strategic rationale behind Obama's candidacy.

The report analyzes the ongoing conflict in Somalia, detailing the strategic struggle between the Federal Government of Somalia and Al-Shabaab. It examines the impact of AMISOM's military interventions, the persistence of Al-Shabaab's governance and taxation systems in rural areas, and the political tensions surrounding state-building and regional administration. The text highlights the difficulty of establishing a stable central government while facing a resilient insurgency and complex clan dynamics.

This report summarizes a conference titled 'Unpacking the Somali Conflict' held on 21 January 2009 in Pretoria, South Africa. The event brought together experts to discuss the complexities of the crisis in Somalia, the role of international and regional actors, and the challenges facing the Transitional Federal Government and peacekeeping missions like AMISOM.

The text analyzes the emergence of private security companies (PSCs) like Executive Outcomes (EO) in Africa, arguing that they fill a security vacuum left by the failure of the UN and regional organizations. While criticizing PSCs for lacking international mandates and potentially infringing on human rights, the authors suggest that in cases like Angola and Sierra Leone, these actors provided a 'lesser of two evils' by preventing total state collapse and facilitating peace negotiations through the seizure of key financial targets. The document concludes that the trend of privatized peace enforcement reflects broader state weakness and requires greater international vigilance and legal frameworks to curb abuses.

The document assesses the African Union's (AU) counter-terrorism efforts, noting that despite the 1999 Algiers Convention and various peace support operations, terrorism has expanded across the continent. It identifies two primary gaps: the failure to treat deep-seated governance challenges and a reliance on militaristic responses over sustainable preventive measures. The author concludes that while recent AU decisions to enhance the African Standby Force are positive, the AU must prioritise non-military responses targeting poverty and marginalisation to effectively reduce insecurity.

The document examines the link between poverty, human insecurity, and conflict in sub-Saharan Africa. It argues that the 'security first' approach of international donors is flawed because it focuses on state security while ignoring the structural economic collapse caused by neo-liberal structural adjustment programmes and unsustainable debt. The author describes 'new wars' in Africa as rational economic responses to exclusion, where warlords utilize global markets for lootable commodities. The paper advocates for a shift toward 'human security' and a significant increase in official development assistance (ODA) to meet Millennium Development Goals, warning that current donor strategies continue to prioritize market liberalization over genuine poverty alleviation.

The research paper analyzes the development of the Botswana Defence Force (BDF), arguing that the state was initially born without war-making capacity due to a preference for peace and fear of military coups. The BDF was eventually created in 1977 as a reactive response to regional instability and incursions by the Rhodesian government. The authors assess the BDF's professionalism, its challenges regarding the recruitment of women and the impact of HIV/AIDS, and the effectiveness of executive and parliamentary oversight. It concludes that while the BDF is professional and well-integrated into regional peacekeeping, it faces future challenges related to shrinking national resources and the need for a formal national security strategy.

Africa is experiencing rapid population growth and urbanisation, with a projected population of over 1.8 billion by 2035. While the continent shows a positive overall trend, growth is heterogeneous and often outpaced by population increases, leading to a projected rise in the number of people living in extreme poverty. The report highlights a 'demographic dividend' that remains delayed due to high fertility rates, and notes that while global democratic trends are declining, popular support for democracy in Africa remains strong despite fragile foundations. Security is shifting from large-scale interstate conflicts toward more complex, lower-fatality violence, including urban riots and terrorism. Economic growth is hindered by a lack of structural transformation and a significant infrastructure deficit, particularly in basic services like water and sanitation, which the report argues are more critical for poverty reduction than traditional trade infrastructure.

The document examines disarmament as a critical component of Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) programs in post-conflict African states. It argues that disarmament must be integrated into a broader sub-regional context and a comprehensive national recovery strategy to be effective. By comparing the successful UNAMSIL mission in Sierra Leone with the complex situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), the authors highlight the necessity of detailed planning, political will, and the inclusion of 'special groups' such as child soldiers and female combatants. The text emphasizes that the proliferation of small arms and light weapons (SALW) exacerbates regional insecurity and that sustainable peace requires the destruction of weapons and the creation of viable economic alternatives for ex-combatants.

The report analyzes UN discourse on small arms and light weapons (SALW) from 2001 to 2003, concluding that gender perspectives remain marginalized. The authors find that when gender is mentioned, women are almost exclusively characterized as passive victims, while the specific impacts on men and the active roles of women as peace-builders are largely ignored. While NGOs and international organizations demonstrate a more nuanced understanding of gender, member state delegations often lack expertise or prioritize other issues. The document recommends bridging the gap between gender experts and policymakers through targeted education and coordinated advocacy to ensure that the 2006 Review Conference on SALW reflects the diverse experiences of both men and women.

The monograph examines the transition of private military and security companies (PMSCs) from combat-oriented 'markets for force' to support-oriented 'markets for peace' in Africa. It analyzes the legal ambiguities surrounding PMSC status under international humanitarian law, the challenges of accountability and transparency in hybrid missions in countries like Liberia and Sudan, and the tension between the pragmatic need for private capacity and the moral concerns regarding the privatization of state security functions. The authors propose a 'steering and rowing' framework to ensure that the UN and AU maintain strategic control while utilizing private firms for non-core technical and logistical support.

This research paper examines disarmament as a critical pillar of peace-building in Africa, contrasting the successful model in Sierra Leone with the ongoing challenges in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It argues that disarmament must be integrated into broader political settlements and national recovery strategies, emphasizing the need for comprehensive planning, inclusive lead agencies, and the addressing of 'special groups' like child soldiers. The text highlights the shift from traditional peacekeeping to multifunctional peace support operations and the increasing role of regional bodies in managing African conflicts.

The report analyzes the intersection of private security services and international law, specifically focusing on the definition of mercenaries under Protocol I of the Geneva Conventions and the legal obligations of states where such companies are based. It explores the legitimacy of providing military support to governments versus dissident parties, the risks of privatizing security for corporations in weak states, and the ethical and legal dilemmas humanitarian organisations face when considering armed escorts. The text concludes that the rise of 'new mercenaries' requires a coordinated UN response to prevent the erosion of national sovereignty and ensure adherence to humanitarian principles.

The report examines the recruitment and deployment of Gurkhas by private security firms in Africa, highlighting a shift from traditional mercenary activity to a broader range of security services. It details the operations of Gurkha Security Guards (GSG), including its work for Lonrho in Mozambique and its controversial training contract in Sierra Leone, as well as the activities of Defence Systems Limited (DSL). The text notes that while Gurkhas are marketed as disciplined and cost-effective, their use has faced resentment in countries like Angola due to a lack of workforce indigenisation. The document concludes that the market for expatriate Gurkha security is declining in favor of joint ventures with local partners.

The Lamu County Bio-Cultural Community Protocol (BCP) is a communal document created by the Bajun, Swahili, Sanye, Aweer, and Orma communities to protect their ancestral lands and nature-based livelihoods. It details the diverse economic niches of these groups—including fishing, pastoralism, and hunting-gathering—and the traditional conservation methods they employ. The document strongly opposes the LAPSSET project and the Amu Power coal plant, citing a lack of free, prior, and informed consent, threats to biodiversity, and the risk of cultural erasure. It concludes by demanding legal recognition of community land rights and the adoption of renewable energy alternatives.

The African Activists for Climate Justice (AACJ) project, implemented by a consortium including Natural Justice, Oxfam, and others, has worked in Senegal from May 2021 to December 2025 to democratize climate debate and promote inter- and intra-generational climate justice. Key achievements include the creation of six influential networks for women, youth, and local officials, the production of 18 community narratives (podcasts, videos, and comics), and the legal empowerment of communities facing extractive industries. The project has facilitated community participation in national policies such as the Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC) and the National Adaptation Plan, while supporting legal actions and the recognition of Indigenous and Community Conserved Areas (ICCAs) in biodiversity legislation.

The provided text consists of the professional CVs and qualifications of a consultancy team proposed for the Environmental and Social Impact Assessment (ESIA) of gas exploratory drilling in Blocks L4 and L13 in Lamu County, Kenya. It details the expertise of five specialists: an ESIA specialist, a socio-economist, a hydrologist, an environmental chemist, and a GIS specialist, listing their academic backgrounds, professional affiliations, and extensive project histories in the energy, mining, and infrastructure sectors across East Africa and beyond.

The study examines the educational journeys of Somali youth in Dadaab camps, Kenya, highlighting how secondary students use education and scholarships to seek exit routes and how graduates adapt their aspirations due to limited local opportunities. It also notes the role of academically successful youth in establishing accredited schools to support others.