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The brief finds that while 66% of EU cities have climate plans, there is significant disparity based on city size and national legislation. National mandates in countries like Denmark and the UK significantly increase the likelihood of cities having plans, while many cities in Spain and Italy rely on international networks like the Covenant of Mayors due to a lack of national guidance.

The document evaluates EU countries' positions on the Effort Sharing Regulation (ESR), which covers 60% of EU greenhouse gas emissions. Using a scoring system across five categories—starting point, land use loopholes, ETS surplus loopholes, governance, and ambition levels—it ranks Sweden as the leader and Poland as the lowest performer. The brief argues that most EU countries are pushing for loopholes that undermine the Paris Agreement, with the European Commission's own proposal scoring only 20 out of 100 points.

The EU Climate Leader Board ranks EU member states on their support for the Effort Sharing Regulation across five categories: starting point, ETS surplus loophole, land use loophole, governance, and ambition level. Sweden ranks highest with a score of 67, while Malta ranks lowest with a score of 2. The analysis concludes that no EU country is currently doing enough to make the regulation compatible with the Paris Agreement.

COP23 was intended as a technical summit to establish the Paris Agreement Rulebook, but achieved only modest progress on these rules. Key breakthroughs included a first-time agreement to address climate challenges in agriculture and the establishment of a Gender Action Plan and a Local Communities and Indigenous People’s Platform. The conference launched the Talanoa dialogue to accelerate action and increase ambition. While official negotiations were slow, strong political support was demonstrated by non-state actors and an alternative US delegation. Additionally, the 'Powering Past Coal' alliance was endorsed by 28 countries and regional actors, though Germany was notably absent from the pledge.

Between 2008 and 2015, heavy industry in 20 European countries generated over €25 billion in windfall profits from the EU ETS. These profits were primarily driven by the free allocation of emission allowances intended to prevent "carbon leakage," a phenomenon the report argues is unsubstantiated by evidence. The most significant gains came from cost-pass through to customers (€16.8 billion), followed by the sale of surplus allowances (€7.5 billion) and the use of cheaper international offsets (€0.8 billion). The iron and steel, cement, refineries, and petrochemicals sectors were the primary beneficiaries. The report concludes that these subsidies reduce the incentive for industrial decarbonisation and deprive governments of an estimated €143 billion in potential auctioning revenues, recommending a phase-out of free allocations and the establishment of a Just Transition Fund.

The report 'Lifting Europe’s Dark Cloud' examines the health consequences of coal power emissions in Europe, highlighting that 22,900 premature deaths were caused by these plants in 2013. It argues that current EU legislation, specifically the Industrial Emissions Directive (IED), is undermined by widespread 'derogations' that allow over half of European coal plants to exceed safety limits. The authors model three scenarios, demonstrating that adopting the most stringent 'Best Available Techniques' (BAT) could reduce annual premature deaths from 8,900 (under proposed BREF limits) to 2,600, while slashing annual health costs from 24.3 billion to 7.1 billion euros. The document calls for the removal of legal loopholes, the immediate adoption of revised LCP BREF standards, and a total phase-out of coal in favor of renewable energy.

The text discusses the historical and emotional significance of the December 21, 2007, expansion of the Schengen Area, which integrated nine countries that joined the EU in 2004. It frames the removal of internal border controls as a realization of European citizenship and a move toward a shared identity. However, it also warns that the strengthening of external borders risks creating a "Fortress Europe" or a "new iron curtain," particularly affecting neighbors in Eastern Europe like Ukraine and Belarus.

Professor Bronisław Geremek discusses the historical significance of the 2007 Schengen Area expansion, which integrated nine 2004 EU accession states. He frames the removal of internal border controls as a realization of the 'Four Freedoms' and a critical step toward full European citizenship for Central and Eastern Europeans. However, he warns that this internal openness necessitates strengthened external borders, potentially creating a 'Fortress Europe' that excludes neighbors to the east and undocumented immigrants.

The text discusses the historical significance of the December 2007 expansion of the Schengen Area, which integrated 9 of the 10 countries that joined the EU in 2004. It frames the removal of internal border controls as a realization of the 'four freedoms' and a step toward a unified European identity, particularly for citizens of Central and Eastern Europe who previously lived under Soviet domination. However, the author notes that this internal openness necessitates stricter external borders, raising concerns about the creation of a 'Fortress Europe' and a 'new iron curtain' affecting relations with non-EU neighbors like Ukraine.

The handbook explains the legal framework of the EU Air Quality Directive, emphasizing the enforceability of 'limit values' for pollutants like NO2 and PM10. It details how citizens and NGOs can use the Aarhus Convention's pillars—access to information, public participation, and access to justice—to challenge inadequate air quality plans and government inaction in national courts. The document also outlines the European Commission's infringement procedures and the 'Fresh Approach' to tackling systemic breaches of air quality standards across Member States.

The author contends that the Russian leadership's 'imperial rationality' and aggression in Ukraine have invalidated previous EU hopes that economic cooperation would foster Russian democratization. The text highlights a lack of unity among EU member states, where some maintain ties with Russian energy entities while others impose restrictions. It argues that energy security requires moving beyond simple route diversification toward systemic energy efficiency and renewable energy to reduce financial, technological, and fuel dependencies, including those in the nuclear sector.

The document argues that the EU must address the root causes of migration—such as poverty and armed conflict—rather than just symptoms. It proposes four main pillars: establishing a permanent European search and rescue operation to proactively save lives; increasing resettlement places and providing safe, legal access to the EU to bypass smugglers; safeguarding the right to spontaneous asylum applications at external borders while opposing the militarization of migration policy; and replacing the Dublin system with a solidarity-based responsibility-sharing mechanism for asylum seekers.

The document argues that the EU's 2030 target of reducing non-ETS emissions by 30% relative to 2005 levels will create a significant gap between the demand for and supply of Annual Emissions Allocations (AEAs). It suggests that the existing 2020 flexibility mechanism is insufficient and proposes the creation of an AEA Clearinghouse to facilitate project-based trading, increase market transparency, and catalyze low-carbon investment in lower-income Member States.

Carbon Market Watch warns that the proposed 40% greenhouse gas emission reduction target for 2030 is insufficient and threatened by 'hot air' loopholes. Specifically, the carry-over of surplus allowances from the EU ETS and Effort Sharing Decision could reduce actual emissions cuts to as low as 26%. The author advocates for the retention of nationally binding renewable and energy efficiency targets to drive innovation and decarbonisation.

The report argues that implementing cost-effective energy efficiency and renewable energy measures could halve the EU's net natural gas imports and reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 49% relative to 1990 levels by 2030. It identifies the buildings sector as having the highest potential for savings, followed by energy production and industry, while noting that domestic production, including shale gas, is unlikely to increase substantially.

The document outlines a comprehensive framework for tackling far-right extremism through seven key action areas: diverting individuals from involvement, responding to hate speech, managing public order, ending violent behaviour, supporting victims, raising awareness, and pushing public agencies to act. It emphasizes the importance of experiential learning, non-judgemental intervention, and the use of credible messengers, such as former extremists and survivors. The guide provides specific guidance for different professional roles, including police, educators, and local authorities, while highlighting the necessity of staff well-being and the strategic use of digital platforms to counter extremist narratives.

The Living Planet Report 2014 highlights a critical decline in global vertebrate populations and an ecological overshoot where humanity requires 1.5 Earths to sustain its current consumption. It emphasizes the interdependence of food, water, and energy security with healthy ecosystems and proposes a 'One Planet Perspective' to align human development with planetary boundaries.

The document examines the AAU market from 2008 to 2012, focusing on how Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries used Green Investment Schemes (GIS) to transform 'hot air'—surplus emission rights resulting from economic downturns—into funding for climate mitigation. It analyzes the strategies of seller countries like Estonia and the Czech Republic, which were successful due to transparent monitoring, and buyer countries like Japan and Spain, which used these deals for technology exports. The report highlights a significant price drop in AAUs by 2012 and discusses the potential for GIS to inform future fund-based mechanisms like NAMAs in developing countries.

The document updates the 2011 subsidy estimates for EU biofuels, reducing the total estimated support from €9,272–€10,653 million to €5,515–€6,896 million. This correction stems from an overestimation of the volume of biofuels eligible for fuel excise tax exemptions. While budgetary support figures for bioethanol and biodiesel were lowered, other support elements, such as market transfers, remain unchanged. The report also details the calculation methodologies for excise tax exemptions and market price support via blending mandates.

The July 2012 issue of Investment Treaty News Quarterly explores the tension between investor protections and the regulatory autonomy of states. Key discussions include the use of deferential standards of review to enhance the legitimacy of investor-state arbitration and the risks associated with unilateral offers to arbitrate in national investment codes. The document also analyzes how international investment agreements can clash with the provision of public services and the increasing trend of investors challenging renewable energy feed-in tariffs (FiTs) and domestic content requirements. Additionally, it reviews the European Commission's draft text for investor-state dispute settlement in EU agreements and provides summaries of recent arbitral awards involving countries such as Slovakia, Cuba, Paraguay, Ecuador, and Turkey.