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The report examines the role of the EU's captive tiger population in the global trade of tigers and their derivatives. It identifies significant regulatory loopholes in the keeping and disposal of tigers, particularly in private facilities and circuses, which may be exploited by organised criminal groups to supply Asian markets. While accredited zoos are well-regulated, the report finds inconsistent national laws across the EU, a lack of centralised traceability registers, and weak oversight of deceased specimens. Trade data from 2013–2017 confirms the EU's continued commercial export of captive-bred tigers and parts to countries like Viet Nam and Thailand, which may stimulate demand and increase poaching pressure on wild populations.

The document serves as a guide for the public, NGOs, and legal professionals on how to exercise the right to environmental justice in Slovakia. It details the three pillars of environmental democracy—access to information, public participation in decision-making, and access to justice—explaining how these are implemented through the Aarhus Convention and EU directives. The manual specifically outlines Slovak national laws, such as the Administrative Court Procedure Act, and provides practical instructions on filing lawsuits, appealing decisions, and utilizing international remedies like complaints to the European Commission.

The report analyzes climate policy performance in the transport and buildings sectors across CEE countries, highlighting specific successful initiatives. In transport, it identifies Romania's 'Rabla' car scrappage scheme, Hungary's Jedlik Ányos Action Plan for electric vehicles, Poland's electric bus rollout, Slovakia's railway modernization, and the Czech Republic's integrated public transport laws as regional benchmarks. In the buildings sector, it highlights Romania's EIB-financed thermal insulation, Slovakia's long-term retrofit support, Poland's solar collector promotion, and the Czech Republic's heat pump subsidies. The document argues that these 'first mover' experiences can be transferred across the region to accelerate the low-emission transition.

The policy brief examines the interaction between the European Union's coal phase-out and the EU Emissions Trading System (EU ETS). It warns that closing coal plants without adjusting the ETS could create a 'coal bubble' of up to 6.18 billion excess permits by 2040, depressing carbon prices and undermining climate incentives. While the EU ETS supports the transition by making coal less profitable, the author argues it cannot deliver a full phase-out alone. The document recommends increasing the Market Stability Reserve (MSR) intake rate to 36% from 2024, increasing the Linear Reduction Factor to 4.2%, and allowing the cancellation of allowances for any closed ETS installation to maintain market effectiveness.

The authors contend that the EU is paralyzed by institutional inertia, the dominance of the Council, and the influence of vested interests. They critique Emmanuel Macron's reliance on a Franco-German bilateral engine, arguing that it ignores the reality of transnational politics and the effectiveness of coalitions like the Visegrád Group. The text suggests that breaking the deadlock requires leveraging the European Parliament, forming offensive and defensive coalitions, and using strategic unilateral action or the blocking of trade deals to force systemic change.

The Higher Administrative Court of Münster scheduled a two-day evidence hearing on 9-10 May 2019 featuring science and health experts to resolve debates over air quality rules and diesel restrictions in Germany. This follows legal actions in 35 German cities supported by ClientEarth and Deutsche Umwelthilfe (DUH) to enforce air quality limits. While some officials and specialists have questioned the science linking nitrogen dioxide (NO2) to health issues, the briefing notes that the majority of researchers, the European Commission, and Germany's environment minister maintain that limits are based on sound science. The hearing aims to provide the evidence necessary to adjudicate appeals regarding diesel restrictions in 14 cities in North Rhine-Westphalia.

ClientEarth's contribution to the European Commission's evaluation of food contact materials (FCM) rules highlights critical gaps in public health protection. The organization argues that the current lack of EU-wide harmonisation for 13 of the 17 listed FCM categories allows for inconsistent safety standards and a 'race to the bottom' due to the principle of mutual recognition. Furthermore, ClientEarth criticizes the current risk assessment model based on 'migration' limits, which allows hazardous chemicals like CMRs and EDCs to be used if exposure is deemed acceptable. They propose a 'cut-off' criterion—similar to that used in pesticides regulation—to completely prohibit these substances in FCM to better protect human health and incentivize safer innovation.

The analysis of draft NECPs reveals that the EU is set to miss its 2030 coal phase-out goals, with 11 Member States planning no phase-out and 60 GW of coal capacity projected to remain. The report highlights a disconnect where countries receiving EU just transition funding, such as Poland and Czechia, lack credible phase-out plans in their NECPs.

The author criticizes the EU's current approach to media freedom, arguing that relying on national governments is insufficient, especially in countries like Hungary and Poland where media pluralism is threatened. While acknowledging some progress—such as the proposed whistleblower directive and small-scale funding for investigative projects—the text contends that these efforts are inadequate against the dominance of tech platforms like Google and Facebook. The document calls for a permanent EU funding body for investigative journalism, a re-evaluation of the subsidiarity principle regarding media, and a requirement for online platforms to share revenue with high-quality news providers.

The author contends that current EU efforts to combat disinformation are insufficient because they rely on member states that may be hostile to critical media. While the EU has introduced some protections for whistleblowers and small-scale grants for investigative projects, the document argues for a permanent funding facility for journalism and a re-evaluation of the subsidiarity principle to allow the EU to intervene more directly in member states where media freedom is under threat.

The CJEU ruled on 13 December (2018) that cities such as Brussels, Paris, and Madrid have standing under Article 263 TFEU to challenge EU regulations if those regulations prevent them from exercising their regulatory powers. In this case, the cities successfully challenged the 'conformity factor' in Commission Regulation 2016/646, which had relaxed the Euro 6 emissions standard. The court found that the regulation restricted the cities' ability to ban vehicles that met the relaxed standard but exceeded stricter emission limits. This decision is framed as a landmark for access to justice, potentially allowing cities to act as environmental watchdogs and challenge other EU measures, such as the authorization of glyphosate.

The document finds that climate adaptation planning in Spanish cities is in its early stages, with only 11 of 54 analyzed cities having specific plans, most of which were developed in the last three years. While these plans show strengths in international network adherence and risk assessment, they lack binding legislation, dedicated budgets, and sufficient integration of equity and justice. The brief highlights Barcelona, Córdoba, and Murcia as high-performing cities and suggests that the Spanish state and regional governments should provide more technical and financial support, potentially through mandatory planning regulations similar to those in the UK, Denmark, France, and Slovakia.

Cement production accounts for 5.6% of global CO2 emissions, split between thermal fuel combustion (30-40%) and limestone calcination process emissions (60-70%). The report highlights that concrete naturally re-absorbs CO2 through carbonation, sequestering roughly 48% of process emissions over several decades. To reach carbon neutrality by 2050, the author models scenarios suggesting that capturing 80% of process emissions is sufficient if electricity is decarbonized, or 53% if thermal fuels are also fully decarbonized. Mitigation strategies discussed include energy efficiency, clinker substitution (reducing clinker content to 60%), and novel technologies from CarbonCure and Solidia.

The Defenders in Development Campaign urges states and development finance institutions (DFIs) to integrate human rights protections into development projects, noting that defenders of land and environmental rights face extreme risks of violence and criminalization.

The document analyzes the challenges states face when seeking security for costs in ISDS, noting that tribunals often apply an excessively high threshold for granting such orders. It highlights the impact of third-party funding and the inconsistency of current jurisprudence, ultimately proposing specific treaty language to standardize the process and ensure investors can satisfy cost awards.

The document examines the challenges states face in obtaining security for costs in investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS), noting that tribunals often apply extremely strict criteria. It highlights the risks posed by third-party funding and the lack of consistent rules in arbitration frameworks. To address this, the guide proposes specific treaty language to mandate security for costs when investors are likely insolvent or use 'hit and run' third-party funding.

The Achmea ruling establishes that ISDS provisions are incompatible with EU law when they sideline domestic courts and undermine the EU's judicial system. While the ruling explicitly applies to bilateral investment treaties (BITs) between EU Member States, the briefing argues that the same reasoning likely renders agreements with third countries impermissible if the tribunals are not part of the EU judiciary, may interpret EU law, and lack full judicial review by Member State courts. This creates significant legal uncertainty, potentially making awards unenforceable and hindering the negotiation of new treaties containing investment arbitration.

The Achmea judgment establishes that ISDS provisions are incompatible with EU law when they sideline domestic courts and undermine the EU's judicial system. While the ruling explicitly applies to bilateral investment treaties (BITs) between EU Member States, the briefing argues that the same reasoning likely renders agreements with third countries impermissible. This is because such tribunals are not part of the EU judicial system, may resolve disputes relating to EU law, and their awards lack sufficient review by Member State courts. Consequently, this creates significant legal uncertainty, potentially making awards won by non-EU investors unenforceable and hindering the negotiation of new agreements containing investment arbitration.

The document warns that without a 550gCO2/kWh limit on capacity payments, Europe's 256 operational coal plants could be 'supercharged', potentially extending their design life from 40 to 60 years. It identifies multiple EU policy gaps—including low carbon prices, biomass co-firing, and mining cross-subsidies—that already favour coal. The author contends that poorly designed capacity markets risk crowding out flexible, low-carbon alternatives like batteries and demand-side response, arguing that clean capacity is already cheaper than extending old coal plants.

The Visegrad Four countries lack a coordinated policy on fake news, often treating it as an external security threat while ignoring misinformation spread by their own ruling elites. While the Czech Republic has a dedicated government body for hybrid threats and Poland participates in international counter-hybrid warfare centers, Slovakia relies more on civil society and commercial initiatives to filter dubious content. Hungary is noted for a lack of active government opposition to fake news, with the ruling party itself accused of spreading conspiracy theories. The document warns that this fragmented landscape increases vulnerability to pro-Kremlin influence and populist rhetoric, potentially impacting the 2019 EU parliamentary elections.