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The document analyzes Senegalese foreign policy under President Abdoulaye Wade (2000–2012) and the transition to President Macky Sall. It highlights a shift from 'classical' diplomacy led by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs toward a more technical, economy-centered approach involving non-state actors and specialized ministries. The paper emphasizes the 'hyper-power' of the presidency over the legislature and judiciary in external affairs. Key trends include a realignment toward emerging economic powers like China and Dubai, a revival of Pan-Africanist goals through the African Union and Nepad, and a high degree of personalization in diplomacy under Wade. Following the 2012 election, the author notes a return to traditional diplomacy, characterized by restored ties with France and improved relations with neighbors like Gambia and Mauritania.

The document examines the evolving relationship between France and Senegal, highlighting a shift from exclusive ties to a more diversified partnership under President Abdoulaye Wade. While France remains the primary economic partner and donor, the paper details periods of diplomatic tension, the reduction of French military presence, and a renewed cordiality following the 2012 elections of Macky Sall and François Hollande.

South Africa has based its BRICS membership on national interest, regional integration, and infrastructure development, viewing the latter two as essential for the continent's growth and its own economic fortunes. While critics argue South Africa represents its own national interests rather than the continent's, the document suggests South Africa can provide a platform to reframe Africa's trade relations with emerging economies away from commodity exports. The text notes that BRICS-Africa trade has grown tenfold since 2002 to approximately US$340bn, and emphasizes that South Africa's leadership must be complemented by bilateral engagement with other regional anchors like Nigeria to be successful.

The document argues that while public and private funding for climate-resilient development is increasing, it remains insufficient to limit global temperature rise to below 2 degrees Celsius. It highlights the need for a more equitable international climate finance architecture, specifically calling for the inclusion of least developed countries and small island developing states in the design of the Green Climate Fund (GCF). The brief emphasizes that climate change should be treated as an economic concern managed by national ministries of finance and planning, and that public finance must be used strategically to unlock the private sector, which is expected to provide over 85% of the necessary funding.

The document reports that a majority of young adults in Senegal wish to emigrate, primarily to Europe, regardless of their gender or relative perceptions of Europe versus Senegal. However, there is a significant gap between these aspirations and actual preparations, such as obtaining passports, with men being far more likely to take preparatory steps than women. The brief argues that migration is demand-driven and suggests that promoting circular migration and local investment can mitigate the risks associated with unfulfilled migration aspirations.

The document analyzes Senegal's use of patronage, economic influence, and military cooperation to exercise power over Guinea-Bissau from 2000 to 2012. It highlights how Senegal leveraged Guinea-Bissau's instability to secure military support against Casamance separatists, while noting the eventual decline of this influence due to the rise of Angolan involvement and internal Senegalese political shifts.

The guidebook outlines a holistic approach to fossil-fuel subsidy reform in Southeast Asia, emphasizing a gradual transition to market-based pricing. It details methods for projecting economic and social impacts, designing mitigation measures such as targeted cash transfers, and building political support through internal coordination and external communication. The guide highlights that while subsidies are often intended to protect the poor, they frequently benefit wealthier populations and create fiscal burdens and environmental damage.

The document describes a planned conference, 'The APRM +10: Reviewing a Decade of Peer Learning and Projecting a Future of Governance in Africa', to be held in Addis Ababa in May 2013. It seeks to evaluate the APRM's progress since its 2003 establishment, specifically focusing on the implementation of National Programmes of Action (NPoAs) and the role of civil society in holding member states accountable. The briefing highlights the tension between the voluntary nature of the APRM and the compulsory nature of the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (ACDEG), while calling for better synergies between the APRM and other AU organs, such as the Pan African Parliament and the Peace and Security Commission.

The document analyzes the 'troubling confusion' in Nigeria's strategy against Boko Haram, contrasting a military-oriented approach supported by the EU with reports of secret peace talks in Senegal. It suggests that the government's responses are incoherent and may be driven by political motives related to President Jonathan's 2015 re-election bid. The briefing recommends moving toward a bottom-up dialogue strategy and improving the delivery of public goods to address the underlying socio-economic grievances that fuel the violence.

The paper assesses the continuity of French Africa policy under President François Hollande and identifies opportunities for South Africa to partner with France. It suggests that while the two nations may differ on specific conflicts, their shared interests in democratic governance and security, combined with France's permanent seat on the UN Security Council and South Africa's influence in the African Union, create a strategic basis for collaboration.

The document argues that the Technology Mechanism, comprising the Technology Executive Committee (TEC) and the Climate Technology Centre and Network (CTC&N), must move beyond a linear view of technology transfer to a systemic approach. It recommends balancing 'push factors' from industrialised countries and 'pull factors' in developing countries to create enabling environments. Key proposals include promoting cooperative research, development and demonstration (RD&D) to bridge the 'valley of death' in financing and establishing a dedicated technology funding window within the Green Climate Fund (GCF).

The document analyzes the UNFCCC Technology Mechanism, consisting of the Technology Executive Committee (TEC) and the Climate Technology Centre and Network (CTC&N). It argues that for the mechanism to succeed, it must move beyond a linear view of technology transfer to a systemic innovation approach. Key recommendations include promoting cooperative research, development, and demonstration (RD&D) to bridge the 'valley of death' in financing, creating 'enabling environments' through both push and pull factors in developed and developing nations, and establishing a dedicated technology funding window within the Green Climate Fund (GCF).

The document examines the process of securing direct access to the Adaptation Fund through National Implementing Entities (NIEs) in Jamaica and Senegal. It identifies common challenges regarding fiduciary standards and money management, while noting that early inclusion of civil society aids project implementation. The authors highlight that institutional capacity constraints can hinder access to finance even after accreditation and suggest that multilateral agencies should help develop accessible accreditation standards. Finally, it warns that qualifying as an NIE for the Adaptation Fund does not guarantee direct access to the larger Green Climate Fund, emphasizing the need for capacity building in vulnerable countries.

The document analyzes the accreditation processes of the PIOJ in Jamaica and the CSE in Senegal as National Implementing Entities (NIEs) for the Adaptation Fund. It identifies key success factors, such as existing institutional capacity and stakeholder engagement, while highlighting challenges related to stringent fiduciary standards and the difficulty of accessing funds after accreditation. The brief warns that the direct access model may exclude the most vulnerable nations with limited institutional capacity, a risk that could be magnified by the larger scale of the Green Climate Fund.

The document argues that Internet policy must move beyond technical management to include broad societal impacts on rights, security, and sustainable development. It advocates for a multistakeholder model involving government, the private sector, civil society, and academia to ensure legitimacy and effectiveness. The toolkit details eight specific tools—ranging from expert roundtables and policy mapping to online surveys and public forums—designed to generate evidence and foster public consent. It emphasizes 'adaptive policy making' and the principle of subsidiarity, suggesting that policy action should occur at the lowest jurisdictional level consistent with effectiveness.

The African Union (AU) has shifted the continental focus from decolonisation to development and economic integration. While it has established institutional infrastructure, implemented peacekeeping missions, and promoted democratic norms—such as refusing to recognise coup-led governments—it faces a structural impasse in achieving developmental goals. The author argues that the AU must move beyond ambitious declarations toward pragmatic outcomes, specifically by translating governance into developmental deliverables, strengthening regional economic communities like ECOWAS, and clarifying leadership principles for the AU Commission.

The document argues that the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) has failed its dual goals of reducing emissions and promoting sustainable development. It highlights that 40-70% of projects are non-additional, meaning they would have occurred without CDM registration, and that many projects cause social and environmental harm. The signatories call for the exclusion of fossil fuel and large hydro projects, the implementation of 'do no harm' assessments, and the creation of meaningful public participation and grievance mechanisms.

The document analyzes the International Bar Association's Model Mining Development Agreement (MMDA 1.0), providing a template and narrative to ensure mining contracts promote sustainable development, transparency, and equitable resource distribution. It details key contractual areas including land tenure, royalties, taxation, and community obligations, while emphasizing the use of international standards like the IFC Performance Standards and EITI. Additionally, the report investigates the existence of similar model agreements for the oil and gas sector, concluding that no internationally accepted model currently exists despite the availability of various national form contracts.

The report argues that secrecy in large-scale land deals drives bad governance and human rights abuses. It proposes a precautionary principle of "if in doubt, disclose" and identifies four critical entry points for transparency: participatory land use planning, free prior and informed consent (FPIC), public disclosure of all contracts, and independent multi-stakeholder oversight.

Australia and New Zealand are increasing their diplomatic and economic engagement with the African Union and African nations. Australia is leveraging its experience in mining, agriculture, and forestry, while New Zealand focuses on agriculture and peace operations. Both nations are seeking support from African states for non-permanent seats on the UN Security Council, with Australia campaigning for the 2013-14 term and New Zealand for the 2015-16 term.