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The author examines the EU's transition to renewable energy as a geopolitical shift that offers benefits like reduced import dependence and increased 'soft power', but introduces risks such as industrial rivalry with China and the US, and internal disparities between Western and Eastern Europe. The text argues that the EU currently lacks a clear technical vision for its future integrated energy system, which could lead to inefficient investments and vulnerability to external 'divide and conquer' tactics. It suggests that the EU must combine energy goals with industrial policy and infrastructure standards to maintain global competitiveness, while utilizing mechanisms like the Just Transition Fund to mitigate internal socio-economic frictions.

The report identifies that Indonesia's solar energy growth lags behind India and the GCC region due to differences in land acquisition policies, policy enabling conditions, and investment risk. It suggests that Indonesia can lower costs by creating a stable investment climate, streamlining decision-making through intra-governmental restructuring, and reconsidering local content requirements, citing the success of long-term Power Purchase Agreements in the GCC and Solar Parks in India.

The author contends that nationalistic responses to Covid-19 are insufficient and that the G20, chaired by Saudi Arabia, should convene to coordinate fiscal, monetary, and scientific efforts. The text emphasizes the vulnerability of Africa's public health systems and calls for the establishment of a global medical stockpiles reserve to address long-term health inequality and supply chain failures.

The author contends that the European Green Deal should not be treated as a separate environmental policy but as a geopolitical tool. By diversifying its economy and leading in clean technologies, the EU can reduce its vulnerability to pressure from the US and China and decrease its reliance on fossil fuel imports from authoritarian regimes. The text emphasizes that the transition must also address the stability of oil-dependent regions in the Middle East and North Africa and prevent internal EU divisions between East and West to avoid external interference.

The report analyzes how the GCC region and India achieved low solar energy prices through supportive policies, streamlined procurement, and reduced financing costs, contrasting these with Indonesia's challenges including high local content requirements and developer-borne infrastructure costs.

The European Union views the transition to renewable energy as a path toward energy security and industrial power, yet it faces significant strategic hurdles. Internally, the EU lacks a unified vision for its future integrated energy system, leading to risks of redundant spending and a 'multi-speed' transition where Western and Eastern member states have diverging interests. Externally, the shift creates new dependencies on critical materials and intensifies industrial rivalry with the US and China. The author suggests that the EU must move beyond a purely economic approach to a comprehensive industrial and political strategy, potentially supported by the Green Deal and the Just Transition Fund, to ensure long-term stability and competitiveness.

The research paper examines Turkey's efforts to re-assert regional influence through military and economic engagement in North and East Africa. It highlights Turkey's support for the Government of National Accord (GNA) in Libya, its strategic energy interests in the Mediterranean, and its long-term development and diplomatic presence in the Horn of Africa, particularly Somalia. The text notes the complex interplay between Turkey, Russia, and the EU in managing the Libyan crisis, as well as Turkey's rivalry with a bloc including Saudi Arabia and Egypt.

The global green bond and green loan market reached a record USD 257.7 billion in 2019, a 51% increase over 2018. Growth was primarily driven by Europe, which accounted for 45% of global issuance. The USA, China, and France remained the top-ranked countries, together representing 44% of the market. Energy and Buildings were the dominant sectors for use of proceeds, each holding approximately 30% market share. Certified Climate Bonds grew by 86% to reach USD 45 billion, with cumulative certified issuance surpassing the USD 100 billion milestone. The market also saw increased diversification with debut issuances from emerging markets including Kenya, Barbados, and Saudi Arabia.

The document argues that the Yemen War has evolved from a binary conflict into a complex, multi-faceted struggle involving numerous internal splinter groups and external state actors beyond just Iran and Saudi Arabia. It highlights the fragmentation of southern independence movements, the unreliability of humanitarian data due to lack of access, and the marginalization of women and youth in peace processes. The authors recommend a multi-track, inclusive peacebuilding strategy that increases transparency in aid and integrates women and youth into negotiations.

The Islamic Finance Toolkit provides a comprehensive overview of Shariah-compliant financial systems, detailing key contracts, the global industry landscape, and specific strategies for integrating Islamic finance into African economies. It identifies significant underdevelopment in Africa—where the region holds only 1% of global Islamic banking assets despite housing 27% of the world's Muslim population—and offers a framework of eleven recommendations covering legal, tax, and regulatory reforms to unlock the potential of Sukuk, Takaful, and Islamic fintech.

Saudi Arabia is ranked lowest among G20 non-OECD member countries due to high levels of fossil fuel support, totaling an annual average of $77 billion between 2017 and 2019. This support is primarily driven by state-owned enterprise (SOE) investments, with Saudi Aramco providing approximately $33 billion annually for oil and gas and the Saudi Electric Company investing $8.2 billion annually in fossil fuel-based power. While the government introduced energy subsidy reforms in 2016 and 2018 under Vision 2030, domestic fuel prices remain significantly below international benchmarks. Transparency remains low regarding direct budgetary transfers and tax expenditures, leading to likely underestimations of total support.

The G20 Scorecard evaluates OECD and non-OECD members across seven criteria related to fossil fuel funding, including transparency, pledges, and the scale of support for coal, oil, gas, and power generation. It ranks countries such as Germany, France, and Brazil at the top of their respective groups, while others like the United States and Saudi Arabia receive lower scores in multiple categories.

The author argues that while the EU views renewable energy as a path to energy security and industrial strength, it currently lacks a clear objective or blueprint for its future integrated energy system. This absence of a systemic plan creates domestic risks, such as redundant spending and political friction between Western and Eastern member states, and external vulnerabilities in the face of competition from China and the US. The text suggests that the EU must integrate its energy, infrastructure, and industrial policies to secure critical materials and market share, potentially utilizing the European Green Deal and the Just Transition Fund to mitigate internal disparities.

The document identifies key obstacles to the growth of Indonesia's green bond market, including currency hedging costs, market illiquidity, and a lack of bankable green projects. It provides a roadmap of solutions involving government subsidies, MDB credit enhancements, and regulatory reforms to attract international investors.

The document argues that climate action must be rights-based to be effective, urging COP-25 to ensure that Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) and Article 6 mechanisms include social and environmental safeguards. It specifically calls for the ratification of the Escazú Agreement, the establishment of a financial mechanism for loss and damage under the Warsaw International Mechanism, and the integration of gender-responsive approaches in the Lima Work Programme. The briefing also emphasizes the need for independent grievance mechanisms in the Sustainable Development Mechanism to remedy harms to local communities and indigenous peoples.

The document advocates for enhancing public participation in climate policies by leveraging international legal instruments like the Aarhus Convention and the Escazú Agreement. It identifies specific entry points at COP-25—including Article 6 market mechanisms, the Lima Work Programme on Gender, and the Local Communities and Indigenous Peoples Platform—where procedural rights and safeguards for environmental defenders should be strengthened. It further suggests using the transparency framework's interactive dialogues to review how public participation improves national climate ambition.

The report argues that the production of fish meal and fish oil (FMFO) for aquaculture is precipitating the collapse of fish populations and threatening food security in regions like India, Vietnam, and Gambia. It maps supply chains linking unsustainable and often illegal fishing practices to major European retailers and global aquafeed companies, while critiquing the Marine Ingredients Organisation (IFFO) for providing a 'smoke screen' of sustainability through its certifications. The document recommends a transition away from wild-caught fish in aquafeeds toward sustainable alternatives and the cultivation of species that do not require FMFO.

The report reveals a pattern of financial links between the fossil fuel and arms industries and UK professional engineering and science organisations, including investments, event sponsorship, and the funding of school education programmes. It highlights a significant lack of transparency and argues that these links compromise the ethical leadership of these professional bodies, particularly when promoting these industries to children without discussing associated ethical concerns.

The analysis argues that while Justin Trudeau has positioned Canada as a reliable, progressive partner for the EU and a defender of the rules-based international order, his actual record is marked by contradictions. Key discrepancies include a gap between international climate leadership and domestic support for extractive industries, a failure to meet UN peacekeeping pledges, and continued arms exports to Middle Eastern states despite human rights rhetoric. The document also contrasts Trudeau's approach with the more hawkish, US-aligned foreign policy proposed by Conservative leader Andrew Scheer.

The Red Sea is a complex geopolitical environment characterized by state-to-state rivalries, external military presence, and a perceived gap in maritime management. While shipping has remained largely undisrupted, threats persist from the war in Yemen, piracy, and violent extremist organizations. The report argues that existing regional organizations like IGAD and the AU have limited mandates or internal challenges, suggesting that new cooperative mechanisms should start with narrow mandates, prioritize information sharing, and include all relevant littoral and non-littoral stakeholders to avoid duplication and respect national sovereignty.