Search Climate Insights Directory

The document outlines a strategic approach to green growth, emphasizing that economic, social, and environmental goals are not mutually exclusive. It provides a planning framework that moves from vision setting to implementation, highlights various economic models (such as CGE and EE-IO) for impact analysis, and discusses the challenges of applying these tools in developing nations, such as data scarcity and the 'black box' nature of complex models. Case studies from Rwanda and the 'Heart of Borneo' illustrate the practical application of these principles.

The 2011 Ugandan elections resulted in a fourth term for President Yoweri Museveni, who secured 68.38% of the vote. While some regional observers deemed the process free and fair, international bodies like the EU and AU cited widespread irregularities, including voter bribery, ballot stuffing, and intimidation. The report highlights significant internal tensions, such as the conflict with the Buganda kingdom and the potential for resource-based conflict following oil discoveries in Buliisa and Amaru districts. Regionally, Museveni's victory maintains his influence in the East African Community and his commitment to an East African Federation, despite ongoing security threats from Al-Shabaab and allegations of interference in the DRC.

The paper analyzes Kenya's experience with the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), noting that while the initial 2006 review was high-quality and well-supported, the subsequent implementation of the National Programme of Action (NPoA) failed due to a lack of political will, poor coordination with national development plans like 'Vision 2030', and competing governance initiatives. The author highlights the impact of the 2007 post-election violence and the role of the new constitution as a potential catalyst for revitalizing the APRM. Recommendations include strengthening the continental APR Secretariat, institutionalizing civil society monitoring, and learning from the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) model of multi-stakeholder trust and capacity building.

The document examines Rwanda's post-genocide trajectory, noting significant achievements in economic growth, gender parity in parliament, and progress toward Millennium Development Goals. However, it argues these gains are offset by a lack of political freedom, citing the 2010 elections, the suppression of independent media, and the intimidation of opposition voices under President Paul Kagame's administration. The author warns that the suppression of civil society could lead to instability similar to the pro-democracy uprisings then occurring in the Middle East and North Africa.

India's engagement with Africa has evolved from a post-colonial focus on decolonisation and non-alignment to a pragmatic 'enlightened national interest' approach. This modern strategy is driven by India's need for energy security, specifically crude petroleum, and its ambition for a permanent seat on the UN Security Council. Trade has grown significantly, with bilateral trade reaching $39 billion in 2008–09, and Indian investment has expanded across hydrocarbons, mining, agriculture, and ICT. India continues to support African capacity building through the ITEC programme and the Pan-African e-network project, aiming to marry its traditional idealistic goals with contemporary economic and strategic needs.

The manual defines Conflict-Sensitive Conservation (CSC) as the programming and execution of conservation actions that account for the causes, actors, and impacts of conflict. It outlines a three-step organizational process: assessing institutional capacity, assigning human resources (such as a CSC Champion and Team), and adopting guiding principles. For field projects, it details a two-step operational process: conducting a conflict analysis using tools like conflict trees, conflict maps, and stakeholder profiles, and subsequently designing and monitoring CSC solutions. The guide emphasizes that conservation can either inadvertently fuel conflict—by restricting resource access or creating unequal benefit distribution—or support peace by addressing root causes of environmental degradation and fostering cooperation.

The document is a workshop report detailing the regional dimensions of conflict in the Great Lakes Region of Africa. It examines how the proliferation of small arms and light weapons (SALW), the illegal exploitation of natural resources, and forced displacement create a cycle of instability. The report analyzes the role of regional bodies like the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR) and the East African Community (EAC) in promoting sustainable peace, while highlighting systemic challenges such as weak governance, impunity for human rights violations, and a dependence on external funding.

The report argues that a well-functioning security sector is the foundation of state stability and that defence must be integrated into government-wide structures to be effective. It critiques traditional 'civil-military relations' theories that view the military primarily as a threat to be controlled, suggesting instead that the military should be seen as a public service providing force or the threat of force to support state policy. The author emphasizes a 'task-based' rather than 'threat-based' approach to security policy and advocates for integrated hierarchies in ministries of defence to foster cooperation between civilian and military personnel. The text also details the technical aspects of intelligence collection, the management of defence budgets, and the importance of democratic accountability through parliament and transparency.

The document details a workshop on the regional dimensions of conflict in the Great Lakes Region, analyzing how factors like the proliferation of small arms and light weapons (SALW), illegal exploitation of lootable natural resources, and forced displacement create a self-perpetuating cycle of instability. It examines the role of regional bodies like the ICGLR and EAC in promoting peace and highlights the critical need for good governance, human rights protections, and coordinated regional strategies to address the root causes of violence.

The document presents results from a pilot study of 177 armed conflict actors in 20 African countries. It finds that sexual violence is often indiscriminate, frequently committed by state armies, and can persist in post-conflict periods or years with low killing rates. The study emphasizes that sexual violence is not an inevitable part of war, as many actors do not engage in it, and recommends improved reporting mechanisms and targeted interventions to reduce its occurrence.

The report examines the role of 'best practices' in the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), an African Union instrument designed to improve governance through voluntary peer review. Analyzing 12 Country Review Reports (CRRs), the authors identify 146 practices across four themes: democracy and political governance, economic governance and management, corporate governance, and socio-economic development. The document argues that while the APRM lacks a clear conceptual definition of 'best practices,' these identified successes are essential for fostering 'African solutions to African problems' and providing non-coercive incentives for governance reform.

The WACC Strategic Plan 2012-2016 establishes the organization's identity as an ecumenical body rooted in Christian principles and dedicated to the 'communication rights' of the poor and dispossessed. The plan identifies four global trends—increased support for communication rights, the rise of social media, evolving media literacy needs, and the decline of traditional ecumenical funding—that shape its direction. Key strategic priorities include strengthening the voices of marginalized communities through tools like the Global Media Monitoring Project (GMMP), increasing the advocacy capacity of its members and partners, and improving organizational governance and network connectivity. WACC aims to position itself as a primary expert on communication rights while maintaining an inclusive approach that serves all people regardless of religious identity.

The document argues that climate compatible development (CCD) planning in developing countries is often skewed toward external accountability to secure international finance, which can lead to ineffective domestic outcomes. To address this, the authors analyze experiences from the Rio Conventions and Poverty Reduction Strategy (PRS) processes, recommending multi-stakeholder engagement, evidence-based planning, wide communication, integrated planning across sectors and scales, and robust monitoring and evaluation to ensure that CCD strategies address real domestic needs while meeting international standards.

The document analyzes the failure to complete multiple phases of the DDR process in the DRC, noting that ongoing violence in the eastern region and a lack of political will have hindered stability. It highlights the tension between 'brassage' (retraining and deployment) and 'mixage' (local integration) and argues that the FARDC's security sector reform cannot succeed without the effective completion of DDR. The report details the roles of international bodies like MONUSCO and the World Bank, while criticizing the Congolese government's preference for operational equipment over institutional accountability and the fragmented approach of bilateral donors.

The document provides a comprehensive survey of quantitative research on the health impacts of climate change, categorizing studies by their methodological approach (primary, secondary, and comparative risk assessments) and the statistical models employed (time-series, non-parametric, and panel/spatial models). It highlights the complex relationship between climatic variables and diseases, particularly malaria, and reviews major global reports from the WHO and the Stern Review to outline the broader economic and public health implications of global warming.

The document examines how natural resources—both through abundance and scarcity—fuel social and armed conflicts in Africa. It argues that traditional peace processes often fail by focusing on 'high politics' (like power-sharing) while ignoring the underlying political economy of resource distribution. Using the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (IC/GLR), and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) as examples, the author advocates for integrating natural resource management into diplomatic and mediation frameworks to achieve sustainable peace.

The DRC faces significant hurdles in establishing state authority and territorial integrity, complicated by a stalled decentralisation process and border disputes over oil and gas deposits. The transition from MONUC to MONUSCO represents a symbolic shift toward stabilisation, while the STAREC programme attempts to restore basic institutional infrastructure in conflict zones. Resource governance remains precarious due to illegal mineral trade, lack of monitoring technology for oil exports, and legal disputes over mining contracts involving international corporations.

The policy brief evaluates the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), a governance monitoring tool designed to foster political stability and sustainable development in Africa. The author identifies ten reasons for optimism, noting that 29 African countries have voluntarily joined the process and that the mechanism has accelerated its pace of reviews over time. While the author acknowledges that the system struggles to hold heads of state accountable for specific crises, the APRM has produced comprehensive reports that identify systemic weaknesses and has led to tangible governance gains in countries like Ghana, Rwanda, and Kenya. The brief concludes that the APRM empowers citizens through participatory assessment and promotes peer learning among states, though it requires more transparent leadership and better documentation of successes to maintain momentum.

The report traces the conceptual shift of sexual violence in conflict, moving from the 'lootpillageandrape' nexus of early 20th-century wars to the systematic 'rape camps' of the 1990s. It examines the role of the Bosnian and Rwandan genocides in establishing rape as a weapon of war and a crime against humanity. The document analyzes three theoretical frameworks—essentialism, structuralism, and social constructionism—to explain the motivations of perpetrators and the targeting of victims. It further details the development of international legal mechanisms, including the ICTY, ICTR, and the ICC, and the impact of UN Security Council Resolutions 1325, 1820, and 1888 on the protection of women and the institutionalization of gender units in peacekeeping missions.

The document provides a comprehensive review of India's involvement in UN peacekeeping missions in Africa, from the 1960 Congo crisis to missions in the 21st century. It identifies a shift in India's motivations from Cold War-era non-alignment and anti-colonial solidarity toward a strategic desire for global recognition and a permanent seat on the UN Security Council. The author details specific missions in countries such as Angola, Somalia, and Sierra Leone, highlighting both the humanitarian successes and the operational failures or controversies encountered. It concludes that India is likely to adopt a more cost-effective, case-by-case approach to future African peacekeeping to better serve its national interests.