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The report details the application of natural capital science and software tools across various sectors to integrate ecosystem services into decision-making. Key examples include the Inter-American Development Bank's infrastructure planning in Latin America, China's massive reforestation and zoning efforts, and corporate sustainability initiatives by Dow, Unilever, and Coca-Cola. It highlights the role of the Natural Capital Project's open-source tools, such as InVEST and OPAL, in quantifying the trade-offs between economic development and the preservation of natural assets like watersheds and coastal habitats.

The Climate Development and Finance Facility (CDFF) is designed to address financing gaps for wind, solar, and hydro projects in low- and lower-middle income countries. It utilizes a three-stage approach: a Development Fund for early-stage due diligence, a Construction Fund that uses equity to avoid high-cost construction debt, and a Refinancing Fund to attract institutional investors once projects are operational. A pilot implementation requires USD 150 million in donor capital to mobilize USD 1.88 billion in private capital, aiming to install approximately 300 MW of clean energy and reduce annual CO2 emissions by around 600 ktCO2.

The Climate Development and Finance Facility (the Facility) is a proposed investment structure designed to overcome financing barriers for renewable energy projects in developing countries. It integrates three stages of support: a Development Fund for early-stage due diligence, a Construction Fund that uses equity to finance construction costs and avoid expensive early-stage debt, and a Refinancing Fund to attract institutional investors once projects are operational. The pilot targets projects between 25-75 MW in specific low- and lower-middle income countries across Africa, Asia, and Latin America. To launch, the Facility requires USD 150 million in donor capital, which is projected to mobilize USD 2 billion in private capital, install approximately 300 MW of clean energy, and reduce annual CO2 emissions by around 600 kt.

The Long-Term FX Risk Management instrument, developed by The Lab in collaboration with the International Finance Corporation (IFC) and The Currency Exchange Fund Management Company (TIM), aims to unlock climate-relevant investments in emerging markets. By offering long-term fixed and inflation-linked cross-currency swaps, interest rate swaps, and local currency loans, the instrument addresses the financial uncertainty caused by currency mismatches in capital-intensive clean infrastructure projects. A proposed pilot requires USD 250 million in donor risk capital to provide up to USD 1 billion in hedging capacity, potentially supporting USD 1.5 billion in clean investment projects and reducing annual greenhouse gas emissions by 1.7 MtCO2.

The document analyzes the challenges of low tax bases in Africa, driven by factors such as tax avoidance by multinational corporations, over-generous fiscal incentives, and illicit capital flight. It evaluates the G-20/OECD BEPS project as a mechanism to close international tax loopholes and ensure profits are taxed where economic activity occurs. The author argues that while BEPS is a step in the right direction, African countries are under-represented in the process and must strengthen their voice through the UN Tax Committee and the African Tax Administration Forum (ATAF) to ensure outcomes are equitable.

The report details the first meeting of the NeST South Africa reference group, which aimed to unpack South Africa's approach to South-South co-operation (SSC). Key discussions focused on the need for a uniquely South African definition of development co-operation that moves beyond the narrow OECD-DAC Official Development Assistance (ODA) criteria, as much of South Africa's support—including peacekeeping and infrastructure loans—falls outside those definitions. The document identifies significant challenges, including fragmented coordination across government departments, weak monitoring and evaluation (M&E) systems, and the tension between promoting human rights and adhering to Southern principles of non-interference. It emphasizes that South Africa views itself as a 'development partner' rather than a 'donor', guided by the philosophy of 'ubuntu'.

The policy brief examines South Africa's transition from a human-rights-led foreign policy to a more pragmatic approach that views the R2P doctrine and the ICC with suspicion. It details the evolution of R2P and the ICC, the factors leading to African disillusionment—including the 2011 Libyan crisis and perceived ICC bias—and argues that South Africa must engage constructively with these mechanisms rather than rejecting them to maintain its international and continental influence.

The paper critiques the 'liberal peace paradigm' in Africa, suggesting that external peacebuilding often reinforces autocratic governance by focusing on state-building and technical capacity rather than addressing systemic inequality and patronage networks. It argues that current conflicts are driven by the collective denial of individual rights to maintain power configurations, and that peacebuilding must shift toward a rights-based approach to be effective.

The policy brief assesses the underperformance of the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), noting that US imports from Africa remain dominated by energy commodities. It proposes a four-pillar strategy for the 2015 renewal: a clean, long-term extension of at least 10 years; the reduction of non-tariff barriers through expanded US Trade Hubs and relaxed rules of origin for least-developed countries; structural reforms including the Power Africa initiative and the development of African capital markets; and alignment with global trade frameworks like the TPP and TTIP to ensure African competitiveness.

The document reports on a pilot study investigating how climate information is integrated into Rwandan policy. It finds that while current policies address immediate climate variability, there is a significant gap in the use of quantitative long-term projections. The study identifies land use and green city planning as high-potential areas for such data, while noting that barriers include a lack of technical capacity, short decision windows, and a tendency to omit model uncertainty in favor of qualitative narratives.

The report examines the gap between Africa's strong rhetorical commitment to regional integration and the limited actual progress achieved. Using APRM data from 17 countries, it identifies systemic barriers including reluctance to cede national sovereignty, overlapping memberships in multiple regional economic communities (RECs), inadequate infrastructure, and a lack of private sector involvement. While some blocs like the East African Community (EAC) show more progress, most have not advanced beyond free trade areas or customs unions, and intra-African trade remains low compared to trade with external partners like the EU and China.

The document examines the evolution of African continental court structures, focusing on the 2014 Malabo Protocol. It argues that the protocol's creation of an 'Expanded Court' with jurisdiction over 14 international crimes is undermined by Article 46 A bis, which grants immunity to serving heads of state and senior government officials. The author contends this is a response to the perceived bias of the International Criminal Court (ICC) and the use of universal jurisdiction by European states, ultimately serving to protect political elites rather than victims of human rights violations.

The 10th GCF Board meeting resulted in the accreditation of 13 new entities, including the World Bank and Deutsche Bank, despite civil society opposition. The Board approved a US$200 million pilot for Enhanced Direct Access, alongside other pilots for MSMEs and resource mobilization. Additionally, US$2.5 million was allocated for readiness support in nine countries, and the Fund's total signed contributions reached US$5.47 billion.

The document advocates for a shift in DDR processes from viewing gender as a challenge to treating it as an asset. It emphasizes that women are active combatants who gain skills and independence during conflict, while men can also be victims of violent masculinity and repressive regimes. The author argues that successful DDR requires increasing female participation in peace processes, 'disarming' violent masculinities, and accounting for the socio-economic and cultural contexts that affect reintegration.

The report provides an 'Afro-realistic' analysis of accountability in Africa, contrasting the potential of continental initiatives like the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) and Agenda 2063 with the practical challenges of domestic implementation. It investigates the roles of the African Union (AU), national parliaments, ombudsman offices, and civil society in curbing executive power and ensuring sustainable peace. The text highlights a tension between economic development and democratic governance, noting that while some states achieve growth, it often occurs at the expense of human rights.

The document examines the paradox of resource-led growth in sub-Saharan Africa, where windfall revenues from minerals and hydrocarbons often correlate with declining governance and institutional quality. It highlights the negative externalities of extraction and the role of foreign investment in shaping 'elite bargains' between political and business leaders. The author argues that for resource wealth to foster sustainable development, research must focus on reducing commodity concentration, improving institutional accountability, and balancing the trade-offs between extractive growth and climate change mitigation.

The document examines the application of human rights due diligence in the mineral supply chains of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), specifically focusing on 'conflict minerals' like tantalite, tin, tungsten, and gold. It reviews six major initiatives—including the OECD Guidance, the ICGLR Regional Certification Mechanism, and the iTSCi—concluding that their heavy reliance on traceability is insufficient to stop the financing of armed groups. The author argues that these frameworks are based on a reductionist 'resource curse' theory and fail to account for the informal nature of artisanal mining, weak state governance, and complex land ownership disputes. The paper highlights that such initiatives can lead to a de facto embargo on minerals, harming the livelihoods of artisanal miners. It concludes that sustainable management requires the meaningful inclusion of local stakeholders and a deeper understanding of the political and socio-economic drivers of conflict beyond mere economic profit.

The Future Climate For Africa (FCFA) programme, funded by DFID and NERC, aims to improve the scientific understanding of sub-Saharan African climate on decadal timescales and enhance the uptake of this information in long-term development planning. The programme's 18-month scoping phase evaluates user needs against current scientific capabilities through case studies in Malawi, Zambia, Rwanda, Accra, and Maputo. FCFA posits that technical accuracy alone is insufficient for better decision-making; instead, success depends on understanding the political economy, institutional settings, and social processes that influence how climate science is communicated and used.

The research paper examines whether the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) has led to governance improvements in member states using the 2014 Ibrahim Index of African Governance (IIAG) as a benchmark. The author finds mixed results: while 10 of 17 reviewed countries showed some progress—most notably Rwanda—others like Mali and Benin experienced regression. The paper concludes that there is no obvious direct positive correlation between APRM reviews and improved IIAG scores, largely because member states have failed to systematically implement the required National Programmes of Action (NPoA). To improve, the author recommends strengthening peer pressure, increasing secretariat support for national planning, and enhancing civil society engagement to ensure domestic accountability.

The analysis finds that armed conflict in Africa generally follows a global pattern of decline when measured relative to population growth, though this was disrupted by the Cold War and has seen a recent uptick since 2010. Africa is uniquely characterized by high levels of 'non-state conflict'—violence between armed groups not involving the government—which the author attributes to weak governance. While terrorism is rising globally, the Middle East is currently experiencing faster growth than Africa. The paper also highlights that internal conflicts now dominate globally over interstate wars, and warns that climate change may increase local conflicts over resources in northern and southern Africa.