Search Climate Insights Directory

The document outlines the process for foreign entities to issue green panda bonds—RMB-denominated bonds issued in mainland China with proceeds earmarked for green projects. It details the regulatory landscape, involving the PBoC, CSRC, and NDRC, and explains the dual requirement to follow both panda bond and green bond guidelines. The guide highlights the growth of China's green bond market, the role of domestic investors (primarily commercial banks), and the increasing use of RMB for cross-border settlements, particularly within the Belt and Road Initiative. It provides a step-by-step issuance process and lists key regulatory requirements for different market segments.

The document outlines the framework for green panda bonds—Renminbi-denominated bonds issued in mainland China by foreign entities for green projects. It details the regulatory roles of the PBoC, CSRC, and NDRC, the requirements for foreign issuers, and the step-by-step process for issuance, including the need for green frameworks and external reviews. As of October 2018, China was the second largest green bond market globally, with renewable energy accounting for over 60% of allocations.

The document finds that while some countries have improved their legal frameworks to combat deforestation, implementation remains weak due to corruption, lack of resources, and a failure to recognize the land rights of indigenous peoples and local communities (IPLCs). It highlights a strong correlation between high corruption and forest loss, and notes that illegal conversion for commercial agriculture—specifically palm oil, soy, paper/timber, and cattle—drives much tropical deforestation. While demand-side measures for timber are increasing in the EU, US, and Asia, similar measures for other commodities remain largely voluntary. The report also emphasizes the critical role of IPLCs in carbon storage, noting they manage 17% of total carbon in 64 assessed countries, yet face increasing violence and land grabbing due to insecure tenure.

The report finds that while some countries have strengthened forest laws, overall governance remains weak, particularly in poor nations. Illegal deforestation is endemic, driven by commercial agriculture for palm oil, soy, and beef. Progress in recognizing the land rights of indigenous peoples and local communities (IPLCs) is slow, and the lack of secure tenure contributes to increased violence and land grabbing. The report emphasizes that strong governance and the empowerment of IPLCs are essential for effective forest protection.

The report finds that while some countries have strengthened forest laws, implementation remains slow and often undermined by corruption and a lack of political will. Illegal deforestation is driven largely by commercial agriculture, particularly in Brazil and Indonesia. Progress in recognizing the land rights of indigenous peoples and local communities (IPLCs) is slow, and these groups face increasing violence and criminalization. While some emerging economies in Asia are adopting regulations to curb illegal timber imports, overall forest governance remains fragile, particularly in poorer nations.

The report examines the 'Blue Economy' of the Arctic, categorizing its resources into extractive, renewable, biological, connective, and experiential types. It highlights the immense investment potential—estimated up to US$1 trillion—and the accompanying risks of ecological collapse and social vulnerability. Through a SWOT analysis, the document identifies rapid climate change and a reliance on fossil fuel extraction as primary threats, while noting opportunities in the 'Blue Bio-Economy' and the potential to build sustainable infrastructure from the start. It concludes with six key recommendations for governments, investors, and Indigenous Peoples to ensure long-term ecosystem resilience and inclusive governance.

The Defenders in Development Campaign urges states and development finance institutions (DFIs) to integrate human rights protections into development projects, noting that defenders of land and environmental rights face extreme risks of violence and criminalization.

The document provides a comprehensive mapping of ecotechnologies used to recover carbon and nutrients from wastewater and agriculture. For wastewater, the evidence base consists of 481 articles, showing a predominance of biological processes and a higher focus on energy recovery over nutrient recovery. For agriculture, 338 ecotechnologies were identified, with manure-based systems—particularly anaerobic digestion—being the most prevalent. The report highlights knowledge gaps in nitrogen recovery and the use of extracted nutrients like struvite in agriculture, noting that current policies still prioritise pollution reduction over resource recovery.

The Council on Strategic Risks examines the implications of the Trump administration's intention to withdraw from the 1987 INF Treaty. The authors argue that this move, alongside the potential withdrawal from the Paris Agreement and the JCPOA, signals a profound shift in the global security environment. They advocate for new arms control strategies that focus on specific destabilizing weapon classes—particularly those with indistinguishable conventional variants—and emphasize the need for non-governmental expertise and consultation with international allies to maintain global stability.

The guide highlights corporate human rights abuses in Asia—including land grabs in Malaysia and Sri Lanka, coal power threats to mangroves in Bangladesh, and nuclear risks in Russia and Palestine—to advocate for a UN Binding Treaty on Transnational Corporations. It calls for an enforceable legal mechanism, international grievance systems, and accountability for global supply chains and international finance.

The report analyzes local content policies (LCPs) used by mineral-rich nations to increase the use of domestic labor, goods, and services in the mining sector. It details various policy instruments—ranging from mandatory quotas and ownership requirements to government incentives and voluntary business initiatives—and examines their practical application in countries such as Norway, Chile, Ghana, and Brazil. The document argues that LCPs often fail when implemented as blanket provisions without clear objectives or sufficient industrial capacity. It identifies critical prerequisites for success, including institutional readiness, a favorable business climate, and a long-term vision that transcends political cycles. The report concludes that effective LCPs require a combination of quantitative and qualitative measures, robust monitoring through key performance indicators, and strong partnerships between governments, mining firms, and local suppliers to ensure sustainable economic diversification.

The 'Life on the Frontline 2018' report presents findings from a global survey of 4,686 patrol rangers across 17 countries, highlighting critical gaps in health, safety, training, and equipment. The data reveals that rangers face excessive risks, including inadequate medical care, lack of communication devices, and exposure to infectious diseases like malaria, while often being underpaid and under-appreciated. The document argues for the professionalization of the ranger service through improved training curricula, guaranteed insurance, and better community relations to ensure the effective protection of global biodiversity.

The report evaluates the impact of climate commitments from over 6,000 cities, states, and regions and more than 2,000 companies. While these non-state actors can significantly lower emissions, their actions alone are insufficient to limit global temperature increases to 1.5°C or well-below 2°C. Full implementation of individual commitments could reduce global emissions by 1.5 to 2.2 GtCO2e/year by 2030 compared to current national policies, while international cooperative initiatives could further reduce 2030 emissions by approximately one-third (15-23 GtCO2e/year).

The Union of Concerned Scientists argues that space-based missile defense is an ineffective and dangerous strategy. The document explains that interceptors in orbit aim to destroy ICBMs during the boost phase to avoid decoy warheads, but this requires a massive number of satellites to ensure coverage. For example, covering North Korea would require 300 to 400 interceptors across seven or eight orbits. The National Academies of Science and Engineering estimated an 'austere' system of 600 interceptors would cost approximately $300 billion. Beyond cost, the system is vulnerable to saturation by multiple simultaneous missile launches and to ground-based anti-satellite weapons. Furthermore, the document warns that such a system would escalate tensions with Russia and China, as interceptors could be perceived as threats to vital military and economic satellites in various orbits, potentially triggering an arms race or military conflict.

The policy brief examines how South Africa can leverage agriculture and land reform for job creation. It highlights the current dominance of large-scale commercial farming and the failures of previous land reform efforts. The document proposes three scenarios for job growth, ranging from a modest 220,000 net jobs through commercial intensification to 1,263,000 net jobs if 60% of commercial farmland is redistributed to market-oriented smallholders. It concludes that while significant livelihood opportunities exist for smallholders, the potential for high-wage, secure employment in the sector is limited and depends heavily on state capacity and irrigation access.

The South African Institute of International Affairs argues that BRICS nations must move beyond treating women's issues as a separate silo and instead integrate gender inclusivity into core development goals. The text highlights significant wage gaps in Brazil and South Africa and notes that while South Africa leads the bloc in gender parity rankings, other members lag behind. It specifically calls for gender-sensitive approaches to automation in the Fourth Industrial Revolution, the inclusion of women in the new BRICS peacekeeping working group to increase the longevity of peace initiatives, and the recognition of women's roles as primary caregivers in the success of vaccine dissemination campaigns.

The author examines the tension between maintaining the US-led 'nuclear sharing' system and pursuing European strategic autonomy. While some propose a Franco-German nuclear cooperation to replace the US umbrella, the author warns against European militarism and instead advocates for a diplomatic strategy of preventive denuclearization, drawing on the Rapacki Plan to reduce nuclear stockpiles in Europe and move toward a world without nuclear weapons.

The document examines how the BRICS nations can better support African development priorities, specifically industrialisation and infrastructure. It highlights the role of South Africa in leveraging the BRICS forum for continental interests and discusses the potential of the New Development Bank (NDB). The briefing identifies critical challenges, including rising external debt, lack of transparency in lending, and unequal trade patterns where Africa primarily exports primary commodities. It recommends the creation of a dedicated BRICS–Africa strategy, a specialized BRICS unit within the African Union Commission (AUC), and improved coordination between bilateral BRICS initiatives and the AU's Agenda 2063.

The document evaluates women's empowerment in BRICS countries using World Economic Forum criteria, highlighting significant disparities in political representation, economic opportunity, and health. It argues against treating gender as a standalone issue, suggesting instead that the BRICS Gender and Women’s Forum should mainstream gender perspectives into the bloc's core agendas, including technological disruption, UN-aligned peacekeeping, and vaccine research platforms.

The document analyzes the BRICS' dual strategy of pursuing 'inside reforms' of the IMF and World Bank while establishing 'outside' alternatives like the New Development Bank (NDB) and Contingent Reserve Arrangement (CRA). It finds that while emerging markets gained some voting power, many developing countries, including several in Africa, saw their shares decrease. The paper highlights a disconnect between the BRICS' collective 'African agenda' and the individual bilateral strategies of its members, recommending a dedicated BRICS-Africa strategy and formal coordination with the African Union.