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The guide identifies seven telltale traits of conspiratorial thinking: contradictory beliefs, overriding suspicion, nefarious intent, the conviction that 'something must be wrong', a perceived role as a persecuted victim, immunity to evidence, and the re-interpretation of randomness. To illustrate these patterns, the authors asked 42 Georgians to invent COVID-19 conspiracy theories, finding that such narratives are often used by opposing political sides to undermine one another. The document argues that recognizing these tactics is essential for building resilience against misinformation during times of crisis and uncertainty.

The report examines the global banana market, noting that while bananas are the most valuable traded fruit, the sector faces significant challenges including climate change, the Tropical Race 4 fungal disease, and poor farmer livelihoods. It highlights the growth of voluntary sustainability standards (VSSs), which accounted for 7% of production in 2016, and identifies opportunities to expand these standards in countries like India, China, and specific LHDCs such as Tanzania and Rwanda to improve environmental and social outcomes.

The document analyzes the tension between South Africa's efforts to reform its copyright law via the Copyright Amendment Bill B13-2017 and the US Trade Representative's (USTR) review of South Africa's GSP eligibility. It argues that the US uses GSP conditionalities to protect its own IP interests and force reciprocity, which infringes on the national regulatory space of developing nations. The author suggests that South Africa and other African nations should diversify their exports toward knowledge-based goods and pursue a bottom-up approach to IP rights through the African Continental Free Trade Agreement to reduce dependence on unilateral US trade arrangements.

The document details a March 3 hearing where U.S. defense officials discussed the strategic challenges of the Arctic. Key issues include the military buildup of Russia and China, the degradation of military and local infrastructure due to permafrost thaw, and a critical shortage of icebreakers. While the U.S. is pursuing a Polar Security Cutter Program, officials acknowledged current limitations in conducting Freedom of Navigation Operations (FONOPs) in ice-congested waters compared to Russia's extensive icebreaker fleet.

The author contends that the European Green Deal lacks necessary provisions to address methane leakage from the oil and gas sector. While some European companies have committed to a "near-zero methane" future, the author argues that voluntary efforts are insufficient and that the EU should implement enforceable regulations and performance standards for both domestic operators and gas importers to drive global reductions.

The author contends that the world's failure to prepare for the coronavirus pandemic demonstrates a need for a dedicated international organization to treat pandemics as global security problems. This proposed institution would be a public-private enterprise featuring a Scientific Advisory Board, a 24/7 Situation Centre, and Rapid Response Assistance Teams. The author suggests using the Biological Weapons Convention as a legal framework and proposes that a coalition including the European Union, ASEAN, the United Kingdom, Japan, and Australia could provide the necessary leadership to establish the body.

Turkey is pursuing a civilian nuclear energy program to diversify its energy sources and meet rapidly growing electricity demand, primarily through the Akkuyu Nuclear Power Plant developed with Russia under a 'build-own-operate' (BOO) model. While Turkey adheres to international nonproliferation regimes and collaborates with the IAEA, the BOO model creates risks regarding regulatory oversight, information asymmetry, and potential safety compromises to reduce costs. Additionally, Turkey faces significant climate security threats, including drought and sea-level rise, which may impact the operation of its coastal nuclear sites. The program also reflects Turkey's complex strategic balancing between Russia and NATO allies.

Alexey Miroshnichenko of VEB.RF outlines the development of a Russian Green Finance Standard designed to mobilize private capital for the state's "Ecology" national project. The standard aims to create a sustainable finance market in Russia by offering incentives such as coupon subsidies and tax breaks, while aligning with international CBI and ICMA criteria to attract foreign investors. Key priorities include waste management, air pollution reduction, and the restoration of ecosystems like Lake Baikal and the Volga.

The European Union is urged to move beyond a "measure first, act later" approach to methane emissions, instead implementing mandatory Leak Detection and Repair (LDAR) and equipment upgrades domestically while using its purchasing power to pressure gas suppliers like Russia and Norway to reduce emissions.

The report argues that current WTO rules on agricultural internal support are outdated and inequitable, failing to constrain the high subsidies of wealthy nations or accommodate the growing needs of emerging economies. By examining a diverse sample of countries, the authors demonstrate that a small number of members—China, India, the US, and the EU—concentrate the vast majority of trade-distorting support. The document proposes simplifying these rules by basing support limits on a percentage of the value of agricultural production (VDP) rather than fixed monetary amounts, while advocating for stricter transparency and special treatment for developing nations to align trade rules with Sustainable Development Goals.

The report analyzes agricultural domestic support in twelve WTO members, finding that trade-distorting support is heavily concentrated in China, India, the United States, and the European Union. It argues that existing WTO rules are outdated, failing to address the growth of support in emerging economies or the inequities inherited from the Uruguay Round. The authors propose simplifying rules by tying domestic support limits to a percentage of the value of production (VoP) and increasing transparency requirements.

The briefing warns that emergency government responses to the COVID-19 pandemic—such as lockdowns, medical supply requisitions, and export bans—create an unprecedented risk of investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) claims under over 3,000 investment treaties. It highlights the unpredictability of arbitration tribunals and the high cost of defense, citing historical examples from Argentina and Egypt where states faced multi-billion dollar awards. The authors call for a coordinated global response, potentially through the UN or WTO, to suspend ISDS for pandemic measures or issue joint interpretations of the 'state of necessity' defense. As an interim measure, it suggests states may withdraw their consent to arbitration.

The briefing warns that emergency COVID-19 measures—such as lockdowns, nationalization of health services, and export bans—risk triggering a wave of investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) claims under over 3,000 investment treaties. It highlights the unpredictability of arbitration tribunals and the high cost of defense, which can average 8 million USD per case. Using historical examples like Argentina's 2001 crisis, the document illustrates how such claims can result in billions of dollars in awards, potentially undermining national health budgets and IMF rescue packages. The authors call for a coordinated global response via the UN, UNCTAD, or UNCITRAL to suspend arbitration for COVID-19 measures or issue joint interpretations of the 'state of necessity' defense. As an interim measure, it suggests that states may unilaterally withdraw their consent to arbitration.

China is the world's largest primary energy consumer and energy-related CO2 emitter. While the country is on track to meet most 2020 targets from its 13th Five-Year Plan, energy-related CO2 emissions continued to grow through 2018, surpassing 10 GtCO2. The report's 'Continuous Improvement Scenario' projects that primary energy consumption will peak in 2029 at 5,400 Mtce and CO2 emissions will peak in 2025 at 10,930 MtCO2, subsequently declining to 5,010 MtCO2 by 2050. This outlook assumes the maximum adoption of commercially available energy efficiency and renewable energy technologies, leading to a power system where non-fossil sources generate 89% of electricity by 2050.

The paper analyses the socio-economic effects of mine closures on women and youth, highlighting how traditional gender roles and lack of skills create vulnerabilities. It argues that past policy responses, such as retraining and job placement, often failed to address these inequities, and recommends more inclusive, multi-stakeholder planning for future low-carbon transitions.

The Bering Strait is experiencing a significant increase in vessel transits due to climate-driven sea ice decline and the expansion of the Northern Sea Route. This growth elevates risks of oil spills, ship strikes on marine mammals, and pollution in a biologically productive region vital to Indigenous subsistence. While the IMO approved two-way routes and Areas to Be Avoided in 2018, the report argues that current frameworks like the Polar Code have gaps regarding heavy fuel oil and underwater noise. WWF recommends that the US and Russia collaborate to implement e-navigation technologies, a joint Sea Traffic Coordination Center, and a transboundary Area to Be Avoided around the Diomede Islands, alongside industry-led speed restrictions and zero-discharge zones.

The author contends that temporary economic slowdowns from the pandemic do not solve climate change and that abandoning climate policies to stimulate recovery is counterproductive. Instead, the text advocates for a low-carbon growth strategy, leveraging innovation and government incentives to transition the economy, particularly the oil and gas sector, while mitigating the increasing economic risks posed by climate-related disasters.

The Canadian Climate Institute asserts that neither halting economic growth nor pausing climate action is a viable strategy for addressing the COVID-19 crisis. It argues that lasting emission reductions require growth-compatible innovation and that Canada's long-term economic interest lies in transitioning to a low-carbon economy to avoid stranded assets and maintain global competitiveness, particularly in the oil and gas sector.

Since 2015, the Law and Justice (PiS) party has led Poland toward Euroscepticism and the erosion of the rule of law. The author argues that PiS's worldview creates critical contradictions: while seeking to reduce dependence on Russian gas and oil, the government has increased imports of cheaper Russian coal and lacks a strategic plan for renewable energy, leading to a rise in carbon emissions. Simultaneously, while opening the labor market to Ukrainian workers for economic reasons, PiS has overseen a deterioration in bilateral relations with Ukraine and tightened citizenship laws, potentially priming the country for a nationalistic backlash.

The authors use the 2019 Worldwide Threat Assessment's accurate prediction of a pandemic to urge policymakers to act on similar warnings regarding climate change. They highlight how environmental degradation and climate hazards threaten global infrastructure, food and water security, and geopolitical stability, particularly in coastal areas and the Arctic.