Search Climate Insights Directory

Black carbon (BC), or soot, is a potent short-lived climate pollutant resulting from incomplete combustion of fossil fuels and biomass. The report identifies the residential and transportation sectors as the primary sources, with China and India as the largest emitters. It highlights a 'triple win' of reducing BC: slowing global warming (particularly in the Arctic and Himalayas), preventing millions of premature deaths, and avoiding trillions in economic losses. Key recommendations include scaling clean cooking in sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia, retrofitting diesel engines with particulate filters, regulating shipping fuels, and incorporating BC into national climate plans (NDCs).

The report argues that nature-based solutions (NBS) and carbon offset schemes often serve as 'escapes' for major polluters to continue emitting greenhouse gases while facilitating land grabbing and violating human rights. It provides numerous case studies across Africa, Asia-Pacific, Europe, and the Americas, highlighting systemic issues such as inflated carbon baselines, lack of free, prior, and informed consent (FPIC), and the failure of projects to deliver promised carbon reductions or community benefits. Specific examples include REDD+ projects in Gabon and Zimbabwe, soil carbon initiatives in Kenya and the US, and cookstove offsets in India.

The 2023 Production Gap Report finds that governments plan to produce more than double the amount of fossil fuels in 2030 consistent with a 1.5°C warming limit. While many major producers have pledged net-zero emissions, most continue to expand production, with global coal production projected to increase until 2030 and oil and gas until at least 2050. The report argues for a managed, equitable phase-out of all fossil fuels, noting that reliance on carbon capture and storage (CCS) and carbon dioxide removal (CDR) is risky due to technical uncertainties and a poor track record of pilot project success.

Global Witness reports that the rush for lithium in Africa is characterized by corruption and ESG failures. In Zimbabwe, the Sandawana mine is linked to sanctioned elites and ZANU-PF allies, with reports of child labour and illegal exports. In Namibia, Xinfeng Investments is accused of bribery and using small-scale mining permits to avoid environmental assessments. In the DRC, the Manono project is stalled by ownership disputes and allegations that shell companies and politically connected individuals profited from the deposit while the state treasury received negligible funds.

The Foreign Pollution Fee Act proposes ad valorem charges on imports across 15 broad categories, including steel, aluminum, and solar panels, based on their greenhouse gas (GHG) intensity relative to U.S. production. The author argues the Act is administratively complex and serves as a protectionist tool, noting that it lacks credits for carbon prices paid in exporting countries and imposes onerous requirements for foreign producers to prove lower emissions. While it offers special treatment for low-income countries through International Partnership Agreements (IPAs), the author contends the bill's primary focus is on restricting imports from China and Russia rather than environmental protection.

The report finds that while CETP signatories have made significant progress in restricting fossil fuel finance, they have lagged in scaling up clean energy support. In 2022, signatories shifted USD 6.5 billion out of fossil fuels but only USD 5.2 billion into clean energy. Most high-income signatories lack concrete, publicly available targets and strategies to 'fully prioritize' clean energy, and financing remains heavily concentrated in upper- and middle-income countries, with no low-income countries among the top 20 recipients between 2020 and 2022.

The report details the southward expansion of JNIM into Mali's Kayes and Koulikoro regions, where the group has significantly increased violence and fatalities since 2021. JNIM leverages illicit activities—including zakat taxation, cattle rustling, and the control of timber logging in the Baoulé forest—to fund its operations and gain local influence. The group further exploits social cleavages, such as farmer-herder conflicts and the persistence of hereditary slavery, to recruit members and undermine state authority. While the Malian government and its Wagner partners have made gains elsewhere, security forces in the south are described as overstretched and under-resourced, with varying levels of community trust.

The policy brief examines the devastating socioeconomic and financial impacts of load shedding in South Africa, highlighting a cumulative 15 percentage point loss in GDP growth from 2020 to 2023. It argues that the current reliance on Eskom's aging coal fleet and proposed nuclear projects is insufficient and too costly. Instead, it advocates for municipalities to leverage solar PV and battery energy storage systems (BESS), which are significantly cheaper and faster to deploy, to increase electricity supply and reduce bulk purchase costs.

The 2023 Scorecard on Insurance, Fossil Fuels and the Climate Emergency finds that while more insurers are adopting coal exit policies, the industry's overall response to the climate crisis remains inadequate. Most insurers continue to underwrite the expansion of oil and gas infrastructure, and many have abandoned net zero commitments due to political pressure in the United States. The report highlights a contradiction where insurers withdraw cover from climate-affected regions while continuing to fund the fossil fuel industry.

The report highlights a systematic loophole in financial institution policies that exclude thermal coal but continue to fund metallurgical coal, which is essential for primary steelmaking. Despite the International Energy Agency's finding that existing mines are sufficient to meet demand through 2050, 118 companies are planning new projects with a total capacity of 406 Mtpa. Between 2016 and June 2023, banks provided over US$557 billion to the 50 largest metallurgical coal developers. The document argues that technological advances in green hydrogen and electric arc furnaces make a phase-out possible by the early 2040s and urges financial institutions to immediately end dedicated financing and insurance for new metallurgical coal projects.

The report analyzes how the shift toward a multipolar world, the EU Green Deal, US energy strategies, and China's dominance in critical minerals impact South Africa. It highlights the contradictions in European energy policy following the Russia-Ukraine conflict and the paradoxical nature of China's green energy support versus its fossil fuel investments in Africa. The authors argue that South Africa should adopt a strategy of 'active non-alignment,' diversify its critical mineral supply chains, and foster domestic innovation to achieve energy sovereignty and a just transition.

The report examines the social and environmental risks associated with the surge in demand for transition minerals like nickel, lithium, and cobalt. It criticizes current IFI approaches, such as the World Bank's 'climate-smart mining,' for treating environmental and social governance (ESG) as commercial risks rather than human rights imperatives. Through case studies in Indonesia, Guinea, Argentina, and the DRC, the document illustrates harms including forced evictions, water scarcity, and corruption. It proposes solutions centered on reducing mineral demand through circular economy models, implementing binding due diligence, and supporting mineral sovereignty for resource-rich countries in the Global South.

Half of the world's economies are at least five years past a peak in fossil power generation, with 107 economies representing 38% of global electricity demand having seen emissions fall by nearly 20% over the last decade. While the EU, Oceania, and North America are in a period of decline, Asia and the Middle East are the only regions yet to reach a peak, though individual countries like Viet Nam and Japan show progress. The report emphasizes that the expansion of wind and solar is the primary driver of fossil fuel displacement, noting that without these technologies, power sector emissions would be 20% higher.

The author contends that the EU's response to the Israel-Palestine crisis and other regional issues is hampered by internal divisions and the lack of a comprehensive Middle East strategy. The text highlights how the unanimity rule allows single member states to block collective action, such as ceasefire calls or opposition to US-led peace plans. It suggests that as US influence in the region wanes, the EU has an opportunity to establish an independent role, potentially through 'green diplomacy', provided it can overcome its internal fragmentation and move toward qualified majority voting.

The report highlights that coal mines are the largest source of energy-sector methane emissions in the EU, primarily driven by Poland. While the original EU Commission proposal aimed for a 70% reduction in cumulative methane emissions from active thermal coal mines by 2040, current agreements have already lowered this to 34%. Ember warns that Poland's latest lobbying efforts could further reduce these cuts to just 12% by 2040, representing a sixfold weakening of the original ambition. The document emphasizes that methane abatement in Poland's coal sector is a 'low-hanging fruit' that could reduce the EU's fossil fuel methane emissions by 15% at a cost of less than one euro per kilogram of methane.

The report advocates for low-carbon procurement in China's heavy industry to reduce transition costs via economies of scale and shared green premiums. It outlines a five-part implementation framework and identifies five priority value chains: steel-automotive, steel-construction, cement-construction, aluminum-automotive, and plastics-consumer goods.

The document defines the 'Strategic Alliance Global Order' as a system where no single state possesses absolute dominance, forcing countries to build complex networks of alliances to maintain influence. It analyzes how this dynamic is accelerating due to the Ukraine war and is manifesting in the growth of minilateralism, the expansion of blocs like BRICS and the EU, and the strategic maneuvering of middle powers. The author suggests that South Africa and other Global South nations can leverage this environment to act as bridges between different global configurations to promote a rules-based international system.

The Clean Air Task Force recommends that the EU implement a 100% CO2 emissions reduction target for new heavy-duty trucks by 2035, remove incentives for low-emission vehicles by 2030, and eliminate loopholes like the 'carbon correction factor'. The author asserts that zero-emission technologies, such as battery electric and fuel cells, are already commercially available and that regulatory certainty is required to prevent the EU from losing up to 11% of its market to China and the US by 2035. Adopting these standards is projected to add 27 billion EUR to the EU GDP and create 23,000 jobs.

RMI highlights that the perceived climate benefit of substituting coal with natural gas is undermined by methane leakage. The briefing notes that leakage rates as low as 0.2% can make gas emissions equal to coal, depending on the specific resources involved. To address this, RMI has developed a calculator for site-specific emissions parity analysis. The document advocates for immediate methane mitigation through technology and policy, noting that wind and solar are already more economically attractive and avoid the methane risks associated with gas.

Global power sector emissions plateaued in the first half of 2023 at 5,795 million tonnes of CO2, a slight increase of 0.2% over the previous year. While emissions fell significantly in high-income economies like the EU (-17%) and US (-8.6%), they rose in China (+7.9%) and India (+3.7%). A historic 8.5% decline in global hydro generation, largely driven by droughts in China, prevented a larger drop in emissions by forcing a reliance on fossil fuels. Wind and solar increased their global electricity share to 14.3%, though their growth rates (10% for wind and 16% for solar) remained below the IEA's net zero scenario requirements. Global electricity demand grew by only 0.4%, hampered by demand falls in the EU, Japan, the US, and South Korea.