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The authors argue that traditional country-level conflict analysis fails to account for spatial and temporal variations, as conflicts often occur in peripheral regions and are triggered by sudden events. By combining a global logit regression model with a subnational risk index—incorporating population, socioeconomic status, ethno-political exclusion, distance from the capital, and conflict history—the study maps latent conflict risk across twelve Asian countries. The results demonstrate significant internal variation, highlighting high-risk areas in India, Nepal, and the Philippines, while suggesting that irregular regime changes and previous conflict history are powerful predictors of future violence.

The 28th SAC meeting in Miami reviewed the status of IAI's Cooperative Research Networks (CRN II) and Small Grants Programme for Human Dimensions (SGP-HD), emphasizing the need for better scientific integration across projects and increased institutional visibility. Key discussions included the development of a Latin American optical phenology network, the creation of science-society interaction proposals, and the importance of translating scientific achievements into policy briefs.

The document analyzes the foreign policy platforms of candidates John McCain and Barack Obama ahead of the 2008 US election, arguing that while Africa will likely remain a low priority for any new administration, South Africa can leverage its role as a 'pivotal state' to secure military resources, trade benefits, and health funding. It highlights diverging candidate views on energy—with Obama favoring a 'cap-and-trade' system and McCain supporting increased nuclear power and Alaskan drilling—and suggests South Africa could engage the US on carbon-trading opportunities.

The document examines border carbon adjustments (BCAs) as a tool to level the playing field between domestic producers facing climate costs and foreign producers who do not. It identifies key vulnerable sectors—steel, aluminum, paper, chemicals, and cement—and analyzes the significant legal hurdles under WTO rules, specifically the national treatment and most-favoured nation principles. The author argues that for a BCA to be WTO-legal, it would require complex firm-by-firm carbon accounting and a prior good-faith effort toward multilateral agreements. Furthermore, the paper warns that BCAs could be perceived as 'eco-imperialism' and might undermine international climate negotiations, particularly with developing countries like China.

Nepal became the first least-developed country (LDC) to join the WTO via the accession process in April 2004. While technical assistance and stakeholder consultation helped Nepal negotiate a more favorable deal than some other acceding LDCs, its commitments remain more stringent than those of founding LDC members. The report finds that WTO membership has not yet helped Nepal achieve its primary trade goals of export diversification and narrowing the trade deficit. This failure is attributed to persistent market access barriers—including tariff peaks and non-tariff barriers like rigid rules of origin—and severe supply-side constraints such as poor infrastructure, low human capital, and inadequate regulatory capacity. The document concludes with recommendations to simplify the accession process for LDCs, lower their commitment levels, and strengthen special and differential treatment (S&DT) provisions.

The report analyzes how global trends in climate change, energy, and biotechnology affect the competitiveness, social priorities, and risk management of Canadian agriculture. It finds that while warming trends may increase yields and competitive advantage, these gains are offset by increased vulnerability to extreme weather and emerging social demands for sustainable and healthy food systems.

The report contends that U.S. nuclear policy is outdated and increases the risk of accidental war or proliferation. It proposes ten unilateral actions, including reducing the arsenal to 1,000 warheads, ending rapid-launch options, and ratifying the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty, to enhance national and international security.

The report argues that genetically modified (GM) crops provide no substantive environmental, social, or economic benefits. It highlights a significant increase in pesticide use, particularly glyphosate, due to the emergence of herbicide-resistant weeds in the US, Brazil, and Argentina. The document further contends that GM crops do not increase yields—citing evidence that Roundup Ready soy may actually suffer yield losses—and that they do not address global hunger, as most are used for animal feed or biofuels in wealthy nations. Additionally, it criticizes the concentration of seed control by a few multinational corporations, which increases costs and restricts farmers' ability to save seeds.

The report argues that GM crops provide no ecological, social, or economic benefits. It highlights that herbicide-tolerant (HT) varieties promote the development of resistant weeds, leading to increased pesticide application in the US, Brazil, and Argentina. The document further asserts that GM crops do not increase yields or food security, as most are used for animal feed or biofuels rather than human consumption, and that seed monopolies increase costs for farmers.

The report argues that GM crops, particularly herbicide-tolerant varieties, have not increased yields and have instead led to an increase in pesticide use due to the emergence of resistant 'superweeds'. It highlights the monopolization of the seed market by a few agrochemical giants, specifically Monsanto, and documents negative socio-economic impacts on small farmers in India, South Africa, and South America, including increased debt and land displacement.

The report argues that GM crops, primarily herbicide-tolerant and insect-resistant varieties of soya, maize, cotton, and canola, have not increased yields and have instead driven a rise in pesticide use due to the emergence of resistant weeds. It highlights the monopolization of the seed supply by a few corporations, specifically Monsanto, and documents the negative socio-economic impacts on small farmers in the US, India, and South America, including increased debt and rural poverty.

The report argues that GM crops, particularly herbicide-tolerant (HT) and Bt varieties, have failed to deliver promised benefits in yield and poverty reduction. It documents a significant increase in pesticide use and the emergence of herbicide-resistant weeds in the US, Argentina, and Brazil. The document further highlights the monopolization of the seed market by a few firms, specifically Monsanto, and the resulting economic pressure and legal harassment of farmers. Case studies in India, China, and South Africa suggest that yield increases are often due to weather or irrigation rather than GM technology, while small farmers face increased debt and vulnerability.

The document examines the critical role of ecosystem services in buffering human populations against environmental disturbances and the risks posed by their decline. It highlights how the combination of climate change, biodiversity loss, and land-use change creates 'vulnerability complexes' that disproportionately affect poor and marginalised groups. The brief warns of 'tipping points' that could lead to catastrophic ecological shifts and massive population displacement, estimating that between 24 million and 700 million people could be environmentally displaced in coming decades. It calls for international climate policy to move beyond mitigation to include the monitoring of ecosystem health and the building of resilience to prevent humanitarian crises.

The document presents a dataset of 3,375 urban social disturbance events, including both violent and non-violent political activities, compiled from the Keesing’s Record of World Events. It details the selection of 23 cities in Sub-Saharan Africa and 32 in Asia, the coding scheme used to categorize event types and casualties, and the challenges associated with using news reports as a primary data source. Analysis shows an increasing trend in both total and lethal events over time, with a higher average number of events reported for Asian cities compared to African cities.

The document examines how ground-level ozone (O3) reduces crop yields in South Asia, specifically within the Indo-Gangetic Plain. It finds that current O3 concentrations cause yield losses between 5% and 35%, resulting in estimated annual economic losses of approximately US$ 3.9 billion for staple crops. The brief highlights that O3 concentrations are projected to increase more rapidly in South Asia than in any other global region by 2030. It argues that these impacts may be more immediate than those of climate change and could contribute to the recent decline in crop yield growth in the region. The authors recommend international cooperation to reduce precursor emissions, the development of O3-resistant crop varieties, and improved integration of air quality and food security into policy frameworks.

The 'Integrating Climate and Development' project, running from March 2008 to December 2009, aims to fill the gap in concrete analysis regarding the integration of climate policies into development plans. Focusing on Thailand as part of a global initiative, the project employs national expert teams and multi-stakeholder steering committees to identify climate strategies consistent with sustainable development. The final output consists of national and regional synthesis studies detailing strategic options for the involved countries and regions.

The document serves as the first module of a foundation course on air quality management in Asia. It examines the primary drivers of urban air pollution, including fuel combustion from stationary sources and the significant impact of road traffic, particularly motorcycles and old diesel vehicles. It distinguishes between ambient, indoor, and transboundary air pollution, highlighting the severe health impacts of particulate matter (PM2.5) and the role of greenhouse gases in climate change. The text also assesses the air quality management (AQM) capabilities of 20 Asian cities, categorizing them from 'excellent' to 'limited'.

The document examines the tension between 'modern' (secular/NGO-led) and 'traditional' (religious) civil society in Afghanistan after 2001. It argues that international donors and the Afghan government have adopted a narrow, technocratic view of civil society, focusing on formal NGOs as service providers while marginalizing influential religious actors like mullahs and ulema. The author identifies five key civil society functions performed by religious actors: socialization, public communication, mediation, intermediation, and resource distribution. The report highlights a precarious position for 'middle-ground' religious leaders who are targeted by both the government and insurgents, warning that excluding these actors risks pushing them toward radicalization.

The document examines how international investment agreements (IIAs), particularly bilateral investment treaties (BITs), can undermine domestic public policy and state sovereignty by allowing foreign investors to bypass national courts through international arbitration. It highlights cases in South Africa, the US, and Canada where environmental, social, and human rights policies were challenged. The guide argues for stronger parliamentary scrutiny of these treaties to ensure they do not conflict with constitutional obligations or human rights.

The document outlines the processes for using the OPIC Accountability Mechanism, specifically the Compliance Review and Problem-Solving paths, and details the U.S. laws and international standards OPIC must follow.